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Power corrupts

By
CJ AS EXECUTIVE HEAD



Lord Acton, an English historian and moralist, wrote to a Bishop in the late 19th century: “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men.” This line became popular in a shorter version: “power corrupts.” This has been true not only in the absolute monarchies of the past, but also in our own nation in the past few years.



Though the idiom seems more relevant to monarchies and dictators, it was modified by Aung San Suu Kyi to be more relevant in describing the military junta of her own country, and also some political leaders of third world countries. She stated :“It is not power that corrupts, but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it, and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it.”



In monarchies, power was inherited from generations of previous kings, so monarchs never had to fear losing power. Their inherited supremacy alone was enough to corrupt them, whereas the fear of losing power corrupts politicians who get the hold of power for a short period of time. If I can directly apply this logic to Nepal, the former monarch and the present prime minister would be the best persons to fit into the former and latter categories respectively.







When the British colonized India, they took India to be a land of experimentation, for various systems like democracy and civil service that even the British lacked in their homeland. Present-day Nepal, though not colonized, also seems to be a land of experimentation. Some of the experiments seem to be our own, and leaders invoke them as unique experiments in the world history, while others are conducted by foreign powers, directly or indirectly. We claim the transformation of Marxism in so-called ‘progressive’ ways (even more progressive than Lenin’s experiments in Russia) to be our own experiment and we believe the abolition of Monarchy was also our own experiment. The public seems unable to own up some other experiments like secularism in a historically Hindu-kingdom, and federalism in a historically centralized country.



Nepal at present is known to the world as a country where the incumbent Chief Justice (CJ) is probably going to be the Prime Minister. It is not just political leaders who are eager for the step, as the CJ’s wish to become the executive head is no longer hidden. Despite severe criticism from the members of his own profession, he is ready to risk his reputation he has earned over decades in the judiciary, for an executive post that may remain with him for no more than a few months. Lord Acton’s logic of ‘power corrupts’ seems less relevant to the CJ, since he has never exercised absolute power. Aung San Suu Kyi’s logic of ‘fear of losing power corrupts’ also seems irrelevant, as he is not concerned with the fear of losing his judicial power gained through years of practice of law. Instead, a new idiom, ‘the craze of power’ is corrupting him. Had he adhered to the principle of ‘separation of powers’ and denied the offer of premiership, the students of law would have been proud of him. But no, he is bent on obtaining state power!

Present-day Nepal seems to be a land of experimentation, many of which our leaders invoke as unique in world history.



Civilizations have progressed better with the separation rather than concentration of power. When the power of politics and religion was not separated, statecraft was tough, since religious leaders like popes and cardinals interfered in state practices, and when power was concentrated in Roman emperors, they declared themselves God. When Napoleon Bonaparte was able to amass power, he declared himself an emperor, even though France had already done away with monarchy. This trend was also found in the internal politics of many communist parties, including in our own country. Many communist parties are divided amongst themselves, not because they differ in principle, but because party organization was constructed in such a way that all power rests in a ‘supreme leader.’



If it is not too late, the CJ should remind himself that once his prime-ministership is over, he will have to return to the judicial world, to which he belongs more than to the world of politics where he will have spent no more than a few months. To the head of the Supreme Court, an organ in which everyone has faith, I would like to say: Let the glamour of being the prime minister and the craze of personal power not destroy the universally accepted principle of separation of powers. Law should prevail even when politics fails, and politics will grow automatically when law prevails.



The author is an MA in International Relations from South Asian University, New Delhi

dinesh_lamsal@hotmail.com


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