Has the homework for the proposed unity between RPP and RJP been completed?
We have completed unity processes in 72 districts. We hope to complete it in all the districts by March 28. We have chosen Kathmandu as the venue for general conference. We will be calling people to Kathmandu fairly soon.
Ever since the advent of democracy in 1990, RPP has undergone many splits and unities. Why so?
We (the RPP and its offshoots) have always done much better in national politics when united. When we united following the first split, we secured 18 percent of popular votes with about 18 MPs elected to the parliament in the second general election in 1994. With this, we could play an important role in forming governments under the leadership of Lokendra Bahadur Chand and Surya Bahadur Thapa during the 1990s. Also, our party was doing pretty well. It is true that there have been several splits and unities. As for the proposed unity this time around, there are no major ideological differences between Rastriya Janashakti Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Both espouse the cause of nationalism, democracy and liberalism. And both the parties have endorsed republic. Hence the unity.
KESHAB THOKER
Is there any prospect of unity with Kamal Thapa-led Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal?
We are trying to forge unity with RPPN. The problem is our ideological differences on issues of monarchy and republic.
If the past is anything to go by, the parties unite on poll eve. But soon differences start surfacing over power sharing in government and the unified party splits.
We have learnt our lesson. This time the unity is going to be much more enduring.
What is RPP’s stand on the formation of CJ-led government?
There are two aspects to it. We have a lot of differences with the four parties regarding the process of government formation. But we accept election because there is no alternative to it. We believe the election will provide a way out from the terrible situation the country finds itself in now. On formation of the CJ-led government, we have reservations on several grounds. First, it violates the principle of separation of powers. If one man becomes both the chief justice and the chairman of council of ministers, it could create a disturbing situation. We are worried about the long-term consequences of violation of the principle of separation of powers, which is fundamental to a democracy. Second, the four parties are exercising monopoly over others, for which there is no constitutional ground. They have taken all the powers in their hands, they have appointed several ministers, and are going to appoint heads of the constitutional bodies like CIAA, Election Commission, Public Service Commission, judges, and many others at their discretion.
And it worries me particularly because if ministers and constitutional heads are appointed by the four parties, there is a danger that election will be partisan towards the interests of the four parties and will go against the interests of the rest. This will ultimately violate the principle that elections should be free and fair. The four parties are exercising far too much power. And they have been creating the partisan situation. And this degree of partisanship will affect the free and fair nature of elections. This is our major concern.
Do you imply that you endorse the CJ-led dispensation just because it is going to hold new polls?
Two things made us accept the election government. One, we had been protesting for the ouster of the Baburam Bhattarai government and two, to try to pave the path to new CA elections. Now both these objectives have been fulfilled. But we are still against four-party monopoly.
The country has taken a quantum leap on issues of identity, state restructuring and federalism. As a party that holds on to traditional beliefs, how do you convince voters?
We have very strong agenda in favor of Janajatis, Madhesis, women, and people of marginalized communities. We have always stood by and advocated the cause of these deprived sections of the society. Personally I have been espousing these issues for quite a long time. In fact, I started raising these issues long before I entered politics. About 44 years ago, when I was working as a civil servant in the post of joint secretary during the Panchayat rule, I gave a talk to Master’s level students at Tribhuwan University. Then I had said that Madhesis and Janajatis had been excluded, that the state had not done enough for them, and that their representation in the civil service, bureaucracy, and army was very low. I said that the education status of Madhesis and Janajatis was far below the standard of their counterparts from the hills. And because of this, the government of the time sacked me. Back then, it became a big issue, and the paper that I had presented in the university talk program was circulated in many parts of the country.
That may be true, but your party is still perceived to be pro-monarchy which believes in sticking to old values.
I would say two things regarding this. We have accepted republic, which means we are no more a pro-monarchy party. We voted for republic in the first meeting of the CA. But there are some aspects of traditionalism that we respect. For example, secularism was declared in haste. There had been a great debate on whether the country should go republic or retain constitutional monarchy. But the issue of secularism was never discussed. It was unfair to declare the country secular without considering the views of 82 percent of Hindu population. So we not only opposed this particular move, but also registered our dissent in black and white. Yes, in some aspects we are traditional. Traditions form a base for nationalism. If you do not acknowledge history, how can you be a nationalist? Nationalism emerges from history.
There is a perception that your party has not been able to inspire trust among the youth.
Actually, we have a strong base of young cadres and supporters. We have strong student and youth organizations, which are very active.
Let me turn to your constituency in Sindhupalchowk. In last CA polls, you suffered a setback for the first time in history. What led to that defeat?
If one political group is armed and exploits all resources, muscle and everything, and the other has to contest them unarmed, defeat is natural. Believe me, eight poll booths were captured in constituency number three of Sindhupalchowk from where I was contesting. The Maoists had used all forces. Besides, they obstructed my way to several parts of the constituency, some of them my strongholds.
It is said RPP could fare poorly in upcoming CA polls because it does not have a progressive agenda.
Regarding progressive agenda, we accepted the agenda of state restructuring about a decade ago when Sher Bahadur Deuba was in power. We had said then that the state needed to be restructured to address the aspirations of Madhesis and Janajatis. Now, our idea of restructuring is this: We need to have seven provinces and those provinces should be delineated on the basis of inclusion, empowerment, equality, and economic viability. But we are not for division exclusively on the basis of ethnicity.
You are born to a family of Maharajas. What brought you into politics?
Yes, I am the grandson of a Maharaja. It was the idea of service which brought me into politics. My family ruled the country for 104 years. It was the time when some members of the family served the country in every way they could. I wanted to follow suit. In my constituency in Sindhupalchowk, I have done a great deal of development. When I first reached that district, there were no roads, no drinking water supply, and no schools. I have worked to bring education, drinking water, electricity, transportation and roads, and irrigation, among other things, within their reach. And this has given me great satisfaction. Of course, much more needs to be done. But compared to how it was forty years ago, when I began politics from Sindhupalchowk, it has changed a great deal.
Partly because of your Maharaja legacy, many view your party as an organization that serves only the elites.
That view is wrong. We are the party which believes in poor people. We believe that the poor need to be lifted, and all the policies we adopted in the past aimed to benefit the poor. Take the case of Sindhupalchowk. When you put in electricity in the homes of the rich and the poor, you cannot distinguish between the poor and the rich.
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