Israel was carved out of Arab territory called Palestine which became the home for Jewish people and has since been administered as a Jewish State. At the time of its creation in 1948, the land was a multi-religious and multi-ethnic territory but ruled as a Muslim country which restricted freedom and citizenship rights for other minority groups, most notably of its Jewish population which has also lived there from ancient times.
The simmering discontent and anger over Muslim rule of Palestine boiled over into Jewish rebellion which, along with American support, helped create the State of Israel. The ensuing war over the legitimacy of Israel forced a large Palestinian population to become refugees in neighboring Arab countries; but a significant number of them stayed in Israel and were accepted as Israeli citizens. The latest census puts the number of Israeli Arabs in the country to be 1.7 million, 20 percent of Israel's 8.4 million population.
The majority of Muslims of old Palestine who stayed back compromised with their fate, choosing to co-exist with their Jewish neighbors but many resented their second class status and became critical of Israel, with verbal attacks and armed struggle for ending the Zionist occupation of their homeland.
Palestinian militancy—albeit by one small segment of Israel's Arab population—poisoned the environment of peaceful coexistence which, in effect, backfired on everyone who happened to be an Arab. Israel blacklisted almost the entire population of Israeli Arabs who were labeled as enemies and traitors, working to undermine the Jewish State. "No Arabs can be trusted" became the state motto.
And exclusion of Israeli Arabs from national mainstream was carried out unabashedly and without exception. Not only could they not be entrusted with high-profile government jobs like army, police, diplomatic service, and spy agencies but they were also barred from private pursuits that needed government approval and financial support. Arab neighborhoods were deprived of basic facilities like health care, schooling, social protection, and infrastructure. Arabs were made invisible from Israel's public life and offered minimum government assistance for livelihood in areas of industry, trade, and finance. Israeli Arabs' career choices were narrowed to self-support occupations like subsistence farming, petty trades, and professional service jobs like teachers, doctors, lawyers, builders and maintenance workers.
Because Israel is a multi-party democracy, Israeli Arabs were allowed to run for office, including for seats in national parliament, Knesset. However, their politics was unhelpful in winning government support for better amenities and job opportunities. The main reason was that Arab politicians engaged in verbal militancy against the Jewish State which, in large part, justified Palestinian terror attacks on Israeli interests. Confrontational politics further angered Israeli mainstream who came to label all Israeli Arabs as "fifth column," not to be trusted with government responsibilities or as citizens with Israel's best interests at heart.
The options available to Israeli Arabs then narrowed to just two: an indefinite future of neglect, exclusion, and life in the dungeon, or making an effort to establish themselves as legitimate Israeli citizens and acting in a trustful manner. The changing politics of Israeli Arabs is evident in the current line-up for parliamentary election this Tuesday, March 17, in which traditionally factitious Arab parties have put up a common front with one single party and one single leadership. Such a show of unity has energized Israeli Arab masses in favor of winning as many seats as possible, consistent with their population. It is likely that the United Arab Party could be the third largest in new parliament, compared to political marginalization they have historically suffered as punishment for their in-fighting.
Arab unity has been propelled by a sense of realism. There seems to be a realization that Arab peoples' lot in the Jewish State can't be improved through violence. Moreover, a recent law on minimum votes to be eligible for seat in Knesset also helps. In the last general election (2013), Arab Israeli parties won just seven Knesset seats, six percent of total 120 seats, much lower than their share of population. Given the historic political divisions, the risk was that Arabs' presence in parliament would dwindle to just a few seats or they could even be completely wiped out. And, with that, any remaining clout of Arabs to bargain with the government would evaporate.
The new enthusiasm for change in direction of Arab politics came to the fore during one nationally televised debate featuring top leaders. Reportedly, Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, leader of ultra-nationalist Yisrael Beitenu party that currently holds 13 seats in Knesset, asked the leader of newly united Arab party, the List, as "Why an Arab and a Palestinian would run for election to Israel's parliament? Shouldn't you be running for office in Gaza?" [Gaza became a separate territory from Israel in 2011.] This remark was consistent with Lieberman's earlier labeling of Israeli Arabs as "fifth column" in the country.
Leader of the List Party, Ayman Odeh, embarrassed Lieberman with a cool answer, saying his party was soaring in polls and had greater support than Lieberman's faction. The Washington Post reported that this singular incident turned Odeh into "a hero of sorts among Arabs."
Lieberman's view of Israeli Arabs sounded very much like KP Oli's remarks in response to Sadbhavna Party leader Rajendra Mahato saying that Madhesh territory must include all of Madhesh districts, including five or six districts which Pahade party leaders would like to categorize as Hill districts: "Go, ask [India] to also give you Bihar and UP," KP Oli rebuked Mahato.
Now Madheshis face a choice: Nepal is a Pahade State and you must become Pahade to be acceptable or move out. Such sentiments usually do not get expressed as starkly and in such a blunt manner but state policies have consistently shown that Nepal, much like Israel, is an ethnic and racist state. However, to be fair to Israel, Israeli Arabs virtually deserved their treatment as they unabashedly sought the destruction of Israel.
Not so the Madheshis, who have urged for integration and acceptability but have constantly been denied, for no other reason than that they look like Indians. Unfortunately, one is born with certain looks which can't be changed. But the burden of ethnic persecution, neglect, and dismissal is real and it hurts, which Madheshis of Nepal have lived through for generations.
There is no way of mitigating this situation except by following on the footsteps of Israeli Arabs, that is, Madheshis must unite for a common cause—to empower Madheshis to fight for their rights. However, the route to rights and equality wouldn't be through extremism and militancy or agitating for federalism, autonomy, or independence.
A more doable and sensible option for Madheshi parties is for "creating a 'preventive bloc' in exchange for [government] assistance in improving public services to [Madhesis]," similar to what was bargained by Arab bloc leaders with then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1992. The new Israeli Arab leadership has pledged to emulate that strategy, given that they win sufficient number of seats in this week's election.
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