KATHMANDU, Jan 28: "After the advent of democracy in the country, those who drive glossy vehicles will dominate within the party. There will also be shameless propaganda about me. The common cadres will have to struggle against that once again." This is a part of the statement made by BP Koirala, one of the founders of the Nepali Congress, about his own party.
After the southern neighbor India reached the stage of ending British colonialism, BP had called for the formation of a party on 4 october 1946. He had set the objective of ending the Rana rule in Nepal, which had been in place for a long time under the auspices of the British, and restoring democracy in the country. Encouraged by this, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Dilli Raman Regmi, Balchandra Sharma, Gopal Prasad Bhattarai, Surya Prasad Upadhyay, and other youths held a seminar in Kashi on 31 October.
On 11 April, 1947, the executive and supporters' meeting in Jogbani decided to hold a nationwide Satyagraha for the achievement of civil rights and the release of political prisoners. The book 'Historical Documents of the Nepali Congress' states, "Our immediate objective of this Satyagraha is to demand only civil rights in Nepal, without even asking for immediate and accountable governance."
Before that, BP, Ganeshman Singh, and other leaders had reached the conclusion of forming a party. Accordingly, a convention was called in Bhawanipur, Kolkata, on 25-26 January 1947, to finalize the name, flag, and statute of the party. That convention is considered the first convention (foundation day) of the Nepali Congress. The party's policies and principles have been lost in the Congress, which was founded almost eight decades ago for civil rights and accountable governance.
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As BP Koirala said, those who ride glossy vehicles are now dominant within the party. Not equality and socialism, but factions formed on the basis of personal gain and loss have become dominant. The tendency to carry issues that were said to be wrong yesterday for power without hesitation when interests are aligned is becoming dominant. When interests align for oneself and others and factional interests, the practice of remaining silent even when laws and regulations are trampled upon and creating a ruckus when one's own interests are at odds has developed.
"Those who wear torn and dirty clothes. They wear a cap with only a circle on their head. When they get sick, they do not get medicine. They cannot provide education for their children. Those who have the problem of what to eat in the morning and what to eat in the evening and what to eat in the morning. Nepal is a country of those poor farmers," BP had said. They did not put the country and the people above the party, but rather for themselves. But now the mentality of not the country, the party, and the people, but for themselves has become dominant in the party.
The mentality of earning money and running a business by showing off the positions obtained by joining the Congress has become dominant, rather than what the country, people, and the party can give. As a result, the relationship with the people is breaking down, and the relationship between leaders and workers, not intimacy, but transactional relationships, has become dominant in the party. NC leaders are now accused of expanding their relationships with smugglers, not with party leaders, workers, and the people.
BP's socialism has now become a reality only in the speeches of NC leaders who are enjoying capitalist behavior, not mutuality. NC leaders are more often seen surrounded by carts, horses, smugglers, and security personnel than leaders and workers. BP had made one meal, one piece of clothing, one plow, and one milk cow the standard of socialism at the time (in 1956 ). Therefore, socialism had also become the hallmark of the NC's economic program. As the relationship with the people is shrinking, NC leaders are now only concerned about how poor and rich they are, and how they can become and make themselves and their own.
The NC leaders seem to have forgotten that socialism and democracy are not issues that are visible in speeches, but in the conduct, behavior, and programs of the leaders. The Congress, which has become devoid of methods, positions, and direction, has become devoid of ideas and programs, and the campaigns it conducts from time to time have become a place for personal and factional satisfaction. None of the party's bodies are fully active. Caste organizations are opening up. But in practice, there are complaints that the NC has not yet become inclusive.
Despite the change in the system, there is a strong public complaint that only the situation of the leaders has changed and the situation of the people of the country remains the same. While the general public is growing frustrated and has a transitional mentality, responsible NC leaders are trying to exploit it to fulfill their own interests. The attitude of seeking and creating their own place in instability has caused disappointment not only among the people but also among the general party workers. The older generation is becoming inactive in Nepali Congress politics, while the patience of the younger generation is breaking down.
Critics argue the NC is becoming a party that cannot represent any generation, whether old or young. Because it has been years since the general convention of the fraternal organizations has taken place. Their own leaders have begun to suspect that the NC, which has not been able to connect with the new generation, will have a hard time not only protecting democracy but also its own existence.
