Over four-month-long general strike against the constitution by the Madheshi Morcha and Tharu Struggle Committee in the Tarai region has crippled life in Nepal. But its impact is not confined to Nepal. It has also crossed over the national boundary and jolted even New Delhi. As the Madheshi Uprising prolongs, India is anxious to see that peace and stability is restored in the country without any further delay. In view of Nepal's traditional cultural, economic and political relations with India, New Delhi could use its leverage to help Nepal address the political crisis through dialogue.Both the government of Nepal and agitating Madheshi groups reached Delhi in their bids to seek Indian support to resolve the agitation in the Tarai. In this context, all the four senior leaders of Madhesh—Mahanth Thakur, Upendra Yadav, Rajendra Mahto and Mahendra Rai Yadav—visited the Indian capital. Media reports confirm that these leaders had serious discussions with different Indian political leaders in India, both those in power and in opposition. A little before that Nepal's Foreign Minister Kamal Thapa had visited New Delhi, twice—apart from his meeting with Sri Sri Ravi Shankar in Bangalore—to discuss the ways and means to address the Madhesh uprising.
During their parleys with the Indian leaders as well as with the Indian intellectuals at various think tanks, the Madheshi leaders clearly spelt out that their bottom line is two undivided autonomous states in the Tarai, apart from elections of the House of Representatives and National Assembly purely on the basis population, proportional representation of Madheshis, Tharus, Dalits and other Janajati communities in all state mechanisms, and correction of mistakes made in regard to the citizenship issue.
Delhi views the Madhesh issue as Nepal's internal affair, which it understands as resulting from lack of inclusivity in new constitution. It also denies Nepal's charge that it has imposed any economic blockade. Unambiguously, it has given a message to both the Nepal government as well as the Madheshi leaders that they should settle their problems on their own and amend the constitution in a way that the aspirations of the Madheshis, Tharus and other Janajati groups are duly addressed.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had warned Nepal of political turmoil as early as August 2014 when he visited this country. At that time he had advised Nepali leaders to make the constitution on consensus basis to avoid widespread discontent in the country. Even afterwards Indian Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and Indian Foreign Secretary Jai Shankar, apart from political leaders cutting across party lines in India, had on several occasions expressed their wish that Nepal would draft its constitution on consensus basis. But such suggestions were brushed aside. As if this was not enough, even the guidelines of Interim Constitution 2007 and Supreme Court verdict were overlooked while making the constitution.
As expected, the Madheshi and Tharu leaders started their agitation against the constitution that they feel is biased against them. So far 50 protesters have been killed during protests against the constitution and thousands more are injured. The country, as a result, is polarized—with one group supporting the constitution while the other bitterly opposes it.
Intriguingly, instead of addressing the grievances of the aggrieved Madheshi, Tharu and other Janajati groups, the government blamed India for the troubles in Nepal. At a time the Madheshi and Tharu leaders blocked the movement of goods from India to Nepal, particularly at the Birgunj-Raxaul customs point. Certain people in Nepal then tried to seek solutions in New Delhi.
For its part, New Delhi has already initiated both Track I and Track II diplomacy to diffuse the political crisis in Nepal. Indian government has been in regular contact with its Nepali counterpart to find amicable settlement of the crisis. Besides, the Upper House of the Indian Parliament, Rajya Sabha, initiated discussions on Nepal twice in the interval of a few days in which different political parties, including the BJP, Indian National Congress, CPI (M), RJD, JDU and others actively participated. In such discussions, the Indian National Congress and CPI (M) mostly projected the voice of ruling elites of Nepal on constitution; while the others were more in favor of correcting the mistakes in the constitution as per the aspirations of the Madheshis, Tharus and Janajatis.
Even noted Delhi-based think tanks, including Vivekananda International Foundation and Observer Research Foundation organized events on Nepal with a view to generating ideas for the settlement of the Nepal crisis. Activists from among the students of Jawaharlal Nehru University also undertook discussions on Nepal's political turmoil. Over and above these, leading electronic and print media of India gave wide space to the political turmoil and the discriminations in the new constitution.
However, New Delhi is no mood to become a 'panch' between Nepali government and Madheshi agitating groups. But given the rising economic and humanitarian crisis due to the economic blockade, India cannot escape from its responsibility of using its soft power to engage the two sides to resolve the crisis through dialogue.
Even in the past India has helped Nepal resolve its political crisis, starting in 1950-51, when King Tribhuvan took asylum in Indian Embassy owing to differences with the Rana rulers. Both the People's Movements (1990 and 2006) were successful due to India's support for the democratic forces in Nepal. So much so that the Maoists were also mainstreamed in Nepal with India's support.
Madhesh issue cannot be put on hold, not because it is now internationalized, but more because of its potential threat to peace and stability in the region, if left unresolved. So the sooner the stakeholders understand the gravity of the matter and get serious about resolving the crisis, the better it will be for everyone. In this effort, the role of mediation by the non-political and spiritual person like Sri Sri Ravishankar who possesses extraordinary skills in such activities could be immensely useful as he has influence in every section of the Nepali society.
The author is a Kathmandu-based economist
dr.hbjha@gmail.com
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