Power is popularly defined as an ability to influence behavior of others, or simply to exercise power. But the power structure cannot operate unless authority is delegated. Indeed the modern nation-state would not exist without delegation of authority. For example, the Chief of Army cannot exercise his authority unless the parliament delegates it to him. When power is delegated for a fixed time, and it is transferable, the authority retains the capacity to evolve and a new dynamic generation replaces the old order. Similarly, party members/cadres entrust party presidents with the authority as prescribed the party constitution. The difference with Nepali political parties is that unlike bureaucratic agencies, power here is not fluid.[break]
YOUTH IN POLITICS
Rigid party structures bar the entry of youth in leadership positions. It is up to the youth to change this.
The non-fluidity of power manifests in our political system that unsurprisingly deters youth from participation. Our parties are still headed by individuals who have either dominated their party hierarchy for long or have gotten where they are through kinship and influence-peddling. When power does not flow for long time it tends to pile up and create its own linkages. The leadership resists any drastic hierarchical changes in the party, resisting timely election or conducting one only when the leader and his dependents are in a position to maintain a comfortable majority. This phenomenon makes it extremely difficult for the new generation to replace the older generation. The under-representation of various ethnicities can also be attributed to the stagnant power flow power and shortage of fresh minds in authority positions.
Additionally non-fluidity results in smaller concentrated pools of power. Due to the constant tussle over who gets what in the governmental sphere we see sub-groups emerging within each political party—the Baidya camp, Bhattarai camp, Oli camp, Nepal camp, Deuba camp, etc. These sub-groups are constantly tussling among themselves and concerned only with who retains the power within the party and who goes to the government. On the long-run if the larger pool cannot sustain the interests of the smaller pools, the smaller pools break away, as did the Bhandari faction of MJF and Baidya faction of UCPN (Maoist) did recently. Real issues that bog Nepal and Nepali people down are never discussed; for they are only the means to attain power. For instance, opposition parties opposed re-location of squatters uprooted from Bagmati banks only to obstruct effective government functioning. The parties have never seriously discussed permanent solutions for the squatters.
Non-fluid power within political parties has generated demagogues. Madhav Kumar Nepal’s case is illustrative. Despite the fact that he lost 2008 CA polls in two places, he was elected to the CA and in due course went on to become the prime minister. The interdependence such structure breeds creates an environment where the fall of one link, especially the leader of the camp, severely undermines the operating capacity of others in the camp. Therefore camps within parties resist retirement of their leaders. The longer it takes for political leaders to retire, the longer it will take for newer generations to emerge.
While the youths are pivotal players in democratic transition, their low representation in the political sphere has left them high and dry. Concentrated pools of sub-powers and patron linkages are difficult to break, making the incorporation of new blood impossible, and thereby eventually leading to the party’s self-destruction. For non-fluidity has led to an extremely slow process of ideational change and static polity that bars the youth of their proportion representation in party hierarchy. On the other hand, fluidity of power (fixed terms), ensures not only incorporation of new people over time and creation of a more dynamic, self-sustaining and formidable force. Such a structure also guarantees that parties involve themselves in deliberation and implementation of solutions on real issues that plague Nepali society rather than just using these issues as a means to power.
It is poignant to see the youths in political parties who speak up for change, but being held back by the old establishment that resists change and creates crippling dependency and linkages. It has become increasingly important for the youth to understand that unless political power is made more fluid, the current problem of their under-representation will not go away anytime soon. If this state of affairs continues, the current youth leaders will not get a chance at leadership positions till they are themselves old and need replacing. The only alternative at this point in time appears to be formation of a new youth-based political platform that discards the old ways and ensures fixed terms in party hierarchy. Good intentions are not enough to change the society; what we need is for the youth to take a strong initiative to inject fluidity into the system.
The author is a PhD Candidate at Department of Political Science, Seoul National University
Biraj31@hotmail.com
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