Previously, it was a grimy landmass of crammed houses surrounded by busy roads from all sides. In the stewardship of the last mayor of Kathmandu, the controversial Keshav Sthapit (1997-2002), the entire chunk was transformed into a vibrant square with a Mandala as its major attraction in 2002. [break]All it took to be done was less than seventy-two hours.
But the same year, the then government led by Sher Bahadur Deuba dissolved the local elected bodies; their offices were replaced by government officials, and soon declared a state of emergency. As the nation dwindled in the transitional flux, ongoing for more than a decade now, the Maiti Ghar landmark that once stood as a symbol of stability has become a site of chaotic affair, from protests to demonstrations all year round, pushing it further into a state of despair.
“I’ve had the experience of working as a government official for Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) with and without a mayor,” shares Rabin Man Shrestha, KMC’s Environment Management Division chief, as he wraps up the ongoing cleanup drive for the morning and leans on to the brick fences of the Mandala. “The biggest difference I’ve felt is the level of public participation and support.”
Shrestha believes that mayors who come from among the people and are elected by the people are more familiar with them, the area, its culture, backgrounds, challenges and needs. So their plans are often easily accepted by the public. On the other hand, the executive officers and appointees who currently run the city are designated their positions and roles by the government and have to work according to set procedures that not only delay work but lack public backing as well.
Mayorship, he says, has a certain “charm” because they have the authority to take strict and bold decisions and even development works are carried out faster. With everything under one person’s supervision, there will be no blame games between different departments and government stakeholders involved in any project.
“We still have people who first go to their then local representatives for reference and only after that will come to government offices for any work,” says Shrestha. “Moreover, with government officers changed time and again, any development work is often in a limbo and takes much longer to complete.”
Sthapit, the last mayor of Kathmandu, however, was widely acknowledged by people as one who got things done. No matter how hostile the situation got, he found a way to get things completed in time and with public favor.
“The current local bodies have a temporary form and don’t think long term for future developments,” says Sthapit. “For an elected mayor, there is a sense of responsibility to the people reflected on their commitment to any work. But as bureaucrats, they can just do their job without actually working towards a vision, as they never know when they’ll be transferred or replaced.”
Having earned the reputation of “demolition man” during his tenure, he says he still wishes to take on the mayoral role once again and start mashing the city, knead it like dough and give it all a new structure. And though Sthapit credits the current road widening drive as a good idea, he emphasizes that development does not have to mean displacement.
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“What’s happening now is that many people in the front row of the road are being displaced while the houses behind them will soon reap the benefits as their land prices will double,” he starts explaining, sketching roughly on a paper. “So, one turns into a beggar and other a millionaire overnight – that’s unfair. The government has to negotiate between these two parties in a way that both of them share benefits and carry on with the demolitions without any opposition.”
But you would not see the prime minister out on the streets negotiating with the local people. Mayors would. They have done so in the past, getting personally involved with the local people at development sites.
Traffic inspector Sita Ram Hachhethu also says that though government appointees are cooperative, the procedure of any development work takes a long time and the implementation isn’t guaranteed. He recalls how the Kathmandu traffic police themselves decided and went forward on the demolition drive of some green islands and bus stops constructed in the middle of roads, like in Shahid Gate, for better traffic flow and to reduce chances of accidents.
“Without a locally elected authority, though things have progressed, it’s at a very slow pace,” says Hachhethu. “The road widening drive is considerable but there’s a lot to work on, including basic things like installing traffic lights at major junctions. The technology has advanced so much but our traffic police are still stuck to standing on their posts and waving hands.”
Development issues are many, admits Kedar Bahadur Adhikari, KMC’s executive chief. However, be it for locally elected representatives or government bureaucrats, the major factor in carrying out developmental works and good city governance, besides economics, is public support.
“Even though the overall vision is the same, for locally elected mayors the acceptance level by public is higher, and there’s more discipline,” says Adhikari. “Moreover, they can work without any pressure or political interference from the government. With government appointees, the other problem is that they tend to be more accountable to the political parties than the organizations.”
Civil society leader Padma Ratna Tuladhar argues that local governments with locally elected representatives are more significant as they don’t just manage infrastructural issues from solid waste management to building urban amenities but also acknowledge the local culture and identity. And such local authorities who come from amongst the people and understand the local sentiments are better able to relate with the people to ensure good governance.
“The city is at its threshold point with a fast growing population, haphazard construction, pollution, increased number of vehicles and the incapability to provide even basic necessities like water and electricity,” says Tuladhar. “So limits have to be set, policies formed and implemented, subsidies granted to control the chaos and strict decisions must be made. But it cannot be done without public support, and local government will be the key to carry out the plans.”
As the nation awaits the Constitution, expecting it to clear out how the government bodies will proceed further, Tuladhar says even these waiting moments are already too crucial.
“The Interim Constitution has guaranteed an interim government at the central level for more than a decade now. But the local governments, which directly influence people’s daily lives, are still vacant of people’s representatives,” says Tuladhar. “So even if it’s six months or a year to go for next local elections, we need to have at least a publicly nominated mayor and local government board.”
In a nutshell, without a mayor, people’s representatives and local government bodies, Nepali citizens have been and will remain deprived of democracy at the grassroots level. And that’s no democracy at all.
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