Cadres of the United Democratic Madheshi Front (UDMF) are suspicious about former Prime Minister and senior Maoist leader Babauram Bhattarai's overtures to develop a political following in Madhesh, and about his plans to change the country's politics through a joint Madheshi-Pahadi movement, which he calls the New Force. Bhattarai is yet to come up with a manifesto to elaborate the purpose of his initiative but by selecting Madhesh as a base for his new movement, it is clear that he will pursue a route that formally recognizes—and ultimately accords—equal status to Madheshis and Pahades.If he is honest, and if Madheshis are convinced of Bhattarai's intent, the party could emerge as the country's main political force. It would then be able to address the myriad problems the country has been facing in recent years and especially for the past few months after the promulgation of new constitution.
Looking back at the emergence of the Maoists in mid-1990s, and Bhattarai's special contribution to the Maoist movement, there is nothing to prove that the Maoists were ever serious about Madheshi aspirations for recognition, identity and a role in national affairs. And for the brief period that the Maoists controlled the government in late 2000s, it took a hard-line approach on Nepal-India relations that completely ignored Madheshi interests, especially the fact that India's goodwill was important for Madheshi welfare.
Bhattarai didn't show any concern for the backwardness of Madhesh and government indifference, as reflected in his party's decision to select hill territories as the site for the Maoist Rebellion. He had cited the government's unfair treatment of these territories and deepening poverty as the reason for the rebellion. Had Bhattarai applied the same logic in Madhesh, he would have found a much stronger case of government indifference, which meant that Madhesh could have provided a more fertile ground for the insurgency. But there is no evidence that Madhesh ever figured in the design of Maoist strategy.
It wouldn't be an exaggeration to say that Bhattarai has zero credibility for his new initiative to seek the confidence of Madheshi people. On what basis should Madheshis trust Bhattarai?
However, considering available options, Bhattarai's overtures look full of potential for the Madheshi cause. The failure of Madhesh movement so far can be attributed to many causes but the biggest factor is the failure to get Pahade groups to back the movement.
Pahades do not trust Madheshis are loyal to Nepal while Madheshis view Pahades as their colonial masters. And until now there has been no effort to bridge this trust deficit.
If Bhattarai is sincere about his efforts to develop an understanding with Madheshis—primarily ensuring their equal participation in the affairs of the State as full citizens—that will augur well for his dialogue with Madheshis. This dialogue wouldn't be limited to issues of rights and citizenship but also extend to the possible future course of Nepal without age-old barriers keeping Madheshi and Pahade communities apart.
Whatever Bhattarai's past weaknesses, his willingness to start anew and making history is there for everyone to see. This, I assume, has been Bhattarai's intention all through his political career, starting with the Maoist rebellion in 1996. As noted above, Bhattarai was wrong in his choice of the region and people to advance his rebellion. But had he and his rebellious colleagues chosen Madhesh for their experiment, this could have changed history.
It would be wrong to be needlessly suspicious of Baburam if he is committed to come to the rescue of Madheshis, but there is no denying the wide gulf between Pahades and Madheshis either. In truth, Nepal has historically been two countries controlled by one colonial ruler. Madheshi people's long-running battle against this colonial regime was not affected much by the Maoist conflict.
But given his name, recognition, national repute, and charisma, Bhattarai is one person who can dismantle the old order and begin the work of nation-building anew. Bhattarai hasn't elaborated on the plans of his new flame, the New Force, but for it to lift-off there is no option for him but to reach out to the Madheshi forces.
Sympathy for Madheshi demands has been looked at like nothing short of working with the enemy and against the interests of the Nepali state. The evidence of this is that very few ethnic Pahade leaders and even fewer Pahade intellectuals have been sympathetic to Madheshi causes. Much less have they stood by the side of Madheshi protestors.
Bhattarai can change this perception, that Madheshi demands for equality and fairness aren't aimed at weakening Nepali state but rather at strengthening it by creating a level playing field for all the country's citizens. The challenge for Bhattarai then is to shape a new force that has the confidence of both Madheshis and Pahades, so that they can work together for the prosperity and development of this diverse country.
In view of the current political deadlock, this gives an opportunity to present to the public the politics of tomorrow. The public will clearly see the wisdom of voting for such a party en masse, and the New Force could in turn emerge as the largest political party in Nepal over a short time.
A massive electoral victory will also give the New Force the mandate to make Nepal an effective One Party State, very much like the Panchayat regime. With parliament elected under direct voting and decisions made on non-party lines, the wastes and abuses of raucous party system will disappear and be replaced by discipline, accountability, and enormous saving of productive labor that now engages in useless political work.
sshah1983@hotmail.com
Related story
History of Madhesh to be written
