Of late, divisions over whether Khil Raj Regmi should resign as Chief Justice seem to be deepening, both between the political parties and even within UML.
All along, our party has been speaking in favor of separation of powers and independence of judiciary. If you look at our formal documents, we have taken this stand. Yes, there are people in UML both in favor of and against the appointment of CJ as executive head. But right now, UML believes that a closed chapter should be left closed. Our focus should be on taking the open chapter to the right conclusion. Our only concern at this point is that the executive should not unduly influence the judiciary. If Regmi’s vacating the post of CJ can bring the agitating forces on board for election, it could certainly be an option.
Talking about agitating parties, there has been a big debate on the proposed PR threshold and cutting down CA’s size. Where is the debate headed?
This debate is unnecessary and I hold the Maoists responsible for it. They get into an agreement today, and even before the ink on the paper has dried, start opposing it. This raises a serious question mark over their political honesty. It was with the agreement of UCPN (Maoist), reflected in the 11-point political agreement and 25-point constitution amendment proposal, that the decision to reduce the size of the CA from 601 to 491 was made. But within two days, the Maoists started opposing the same provision. I don’t understand how the Maoists can get away with such blatant political dishonesty.
Keshab Thokar/Republica
But the Maoists say that the provision of a 491-strong CA is contingent on whether Nepali Congress and UML are ready to compromise on PR threshold and candidacy of people with criminal background.
Look, the Election Commission made the proposal for smaller CA, PR threshold and barring of candidates with criminal background after widespread consultations with 33 parties represented in the erstwhile CA, including UCPN (Maoist). The EC’s consultations with the big four forces on these issues was even more rigorous. Now Pushpa Kamal Dahal accuses the Election Commission of proposing laws that are against the 11-point understanding and 25-point constitution amendment proposal. The bottom line is that the Maoists once established a culture of violence in Nepali politics. Now it is the chief force promoting anarchy and opportunism in the Nepali political arena.
On the basis of its performance so far, do you believe the Khil Raj Regmi government will be able to hold new CA polls by the December deadline?
We should think positively. The whole rationale for the formation of Regmi government was to hold new CA polls. He should be able to do it.
CPN-UML has come to be known as a party which vigorously debates important national issues, comes to logical conclusions, but cannot implement them. Is this a right characterization?
The biggest problem with UML is that it cannot own up its decisions. If you are affiliated with an organization, you should be able to uphold its collective decision. UML has not been able to do this of late. This is a sign of incompetence.
Do you believe that this incapacity has had a deleterious impact on national politics?
I think it depends on the context. But overall, like I said, UML has time and again displayed the tendency not to own up its collective decisions which is likely to impact certain national issues in certain ways.
What can be done to rectify this situation?
First of all, everyone should understand the issues objectively. That is half the battle won.
One after another influential UML leader is leaving the party to join UCPN (Maoist). The perception is that the Maoists might soon decimate the UML party machinery.
Let us get our facts right. Everywhere I have been recently, from Mugu to Sunsari, hundreds of people from indigenous backgrounds have queued up to join UML. But this never makes news. Maybe this inability to get the message across is our own weakness. So far as our friends who have left the party are concerned, I don’t believe they have left the party over particular issues or policies. All of them have gone after milking the party for their personal benefits. When they left, they made it appear like there was no place for them in the party. Like I said earlier, it could also be a part of the Maoist plot. The Maoists are now the leading opportunist and anarchic force which is bent on destroying the democratic forces in the country.
There is a perception that UCPN (Maoist) is steadily encroaching into the space that UML created for itself as the country’s leading communist force. How do you see the Maoist-UML dynamics play out in the lead up to CA polls?
The Maoists are a temporary phenomenon in Nepali politics. But even though they are a temporary phenomenon, they still need to be managed. This is our compulsion. Tell me: What is the guiding principle of the Maoists? They have none. When a political party has no guiding principle, it becomes a completely opportunistic force. Death is the ultimate destiny of all such forces. We, on the other hand, are guided by a particular philosophy: janatako baudaliya janabad (people’s multiparty democracy), which is a principle of peaceful progressive transformation.
How have you seen the role of UCPN (Maoist) in Nepal’s communist movement?
Communists are pro-people who are in favor of peaceful social transformation. The Maoists have emerged as a force that wants to distort this image of communism. Tell me: What came out of their bloody war? What is the justification for such widespread destruction which sowed the seed of violence in Nepali politics? The real change came to Nepal only after the violence of Maoists was thoroughly rejected.
There is a belief that CPN-UML has been rendered into a very weak force ahead of the new CA polls.
Our strength is our ideology, organization network and a comparatively established line of leadership which is trusted by the majority of the people. Our long history is another asset. Our cadre base plays the role of our constant critics, which says what is right and wrong outright. Compare this with the cadre base of UCPN (Maoist). First, those who want to weaken the democratic forces in the country would like to see a weak UML. Second, we fail to take ownership of important national agendas and debates. These two things send the impression of a weak party.
How do you counter the accusation that CPN-UML is not an inclusive party?
Let the facts speak for themselves. Go fetch our organizational charts and compare them with those of any other party in Nepal. You will see that ours is easily the most inclusive of all political parties.
You like to say that the country faces an unprecedented crisis in its history. Could you elaborate?
For the first time in its history, the country is in the midst of a great national debate. I call it a great national debate because of its volume, intensity, agendas, participants and likely outcomes. If the political leadership can manage this debate, the country will reach new heights; otherwise there could be devastating consequences. The great contradiction today is that our leadership is small in stature, but the challenges are all big.
Isn’t there an amicable way to settle this debate?
The political leadership must be able to rise above petty interests and engage in the debate, realizing the gravity of the matter. There is a need for broader political unity on important issues at this very difficult juncture. I am afraid our only option is damage control. If genuine democratic, progressive and nationalist forces can come to the same page and gain command over elected bodies, we can check the situation from further deteriorating. Otherwise, there is no hope for the country. For the new CA to produce a democratic constitution, there must be a two-third majority of democratic forces.
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