First, let us examine issues of social discrimination that were brazenly painted with political colors. One such issue is discrimination against women. Though discrimination against women was actually practiced in some theocratic states, it never was an actively-pursued policy by the state in Nepal. Many people seem to fail to realize this. Similarly, since the fall of Rana oligarchy, the practice of untouchability too has never been a state policy. Basically, these issues were and still are social problems. But some leftist politicians, ethnic and racial activists, NGO’s and INGO’s and self-styled champions of civil societies projected the whole thing as if the state had developed and actively embraced exclusionary policies.
The Civil Code that came into effect in 1964 made untouchability, polygamy and other acts of discriminatory nature against Dalits and women punishable by law. Nevertheless, very little has changed in the status of either because a political system, however favorable towards Dalits and women, cannot fully eliminate social beliefs and attitudes that form the basis of discrimination against them. Similarly, even if the legislation is perfectly drafted, it cannot single-handedly eradicate the practice of untouchability from our society. In the same way, it may not work by simply incorporating such bans in the forthcoming constitution unless they are supported by massive education campaigns and social mobilizations.
Also, the accusation of political exclusion is more perceived than real. Those who direct accusations at the dominance of the so-called upper caste Khas in civil service and political leadership are deliberately ignoring the underlying causes and nature of such dominance. Did the state, in any way, discourage members of other races or ethnic communities from taking their rightful share in those fields? No sane person would ever say yes. But one could still ask - why such an imbalance exists? Well, it’s because Khas Bahuns and Chhetris showed interest in those jobs, they contested for the positions and came out as winners through a competitive selection process.
With regard to the recruitment of Nepali youths into British and Indian army, it is the same story with Janajatis. More than 90 percent of the successful recruits are from their communities. Less than one percent Bahuns are selected and that they are intentionally excluded is an open secret. These are facts and any survey or research will confirm it. Janajatis are well-represented in national armed forces as well. In fact, if we look back from 1951 till present, we find that most of the chiefs of the police force (IGP’s) were members of Janajati communities. Are the police and other armed forces not organs of the state?
If Bahuns are over-represented in civil administration, they are far more under-represented in the armed forces. So, it is very clear that the imbalance is not a result of willful design of the regime. That imbalance was an outcome of the respective traditional skills, aptitudes, interests and the free choice that different communities exercised in the past. Yes, the exclusion of Madhesi community in the army might have been intentional, although not openly admitted. But, that was during the Panchayat rule. Such practice doesn’t exist anymore.
Even among different tribes of Janajatis, there are glaring disparities when it comes to employment and economic status. For instance, Tamangs lag far behind Gurungs, Rais and Limbus. Similarly, Newars enjoy a disproportionately-higher ranking in the field of education, business and technical positions in governmental departments. As a community, they list quite high in the Human Development Index of the UN. Comparatively, Bahun and Chhetris rank lower in it, possession of wealth or GDP than many of the listed Janajatis. This would not have happened had they been exploiting, oppressing and discriminating everyone else since the last 240 years as alleged.
Many more statistical data can be brought forth to counter the propaganda of exclusion that has been deliberately created. In fact, the Khas community wants to encourage and ensure the accommodation and participation of all groups into the national mainstream. Now that the Janajatis are showing interest in national civil administration, the Khas community should strongly encourage them through special opportunities, capacity-building methods and preferential and affirmative actions like reservations.
The credit for the rise in political inclusion of marginalized communities and gender largely goes to the Maoists. So far so good. But history is proof that, in the long run, such representation simply creates a small favored class, rather than uplift the whole community. Therefore, the goal of politicians should be to uplift the masses of marginalized communities rather than picking up a handful of them as a publicity gimmick. The president and CA speaker are simply a result of such a stunt. They are ceremonial and powerless unlike the prime minister or a party president.
So, when agents of change, like the political parties, cannot even find and groom a woman or a Madhesi or a Dalit to take over the responsibilities of Prachanda, Girija or Jhala Nath, how can the society - a less dynamic institution in comparison - produce thousands of leaders from those communities for politics and national administration? The reality, which politicians will never acknowledge publicly, is that, it will take the life time of one whole generation to achieve such a feat, even if we start the process right away.
jeevan1952@hotmail.com
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