What is worth noting, however, is that the almost similar reports had appeared in publications that are supposed to be of Category-A, in terms of the classification of the Press Council Nepal (PCN). The stories in the weeklies were supposedly ‘responses’ to a similar – if not a more pungent – piece against individuals associated with the papers and the PCN in another, the fourth, publication. This fourth publication at one point used to be a Category-A magazine, until its status was suspended by the PCN. Publications classified as Category-A are supposed to be the leaders in the industry – supposedly the most widely read and regular, among others. They are also those that are provided the biggest chunks of Public Service Advertisements by the government.
The fact that the stories discussed above appeared in the supposedly top publications suggests the situation of papers in lower categories, unless of course, there is a problem with the categorization itself. This is because not all newspapers with lower classifications carry stories of the type that were there in the papers discussed above, howsoever partisan and pesky they can be at times.
The issue therefore, is about how effective – or ineffective – the self-regulatory mechanism that is in existence for almost 40 years has been. Further, since the majority appointees to the PCN have been journalists, there is also no one to blame for the sorry state of journalism and regulation but journalists themselves. To a lesser extent, those who make the appointments to those positions ie, the government, is also liable.
After 1990, most of the PCN appointees have been journalists appointed largely for their affiliations or proximity to one political party or another and, less for practicing the profession purely in the public interest. (There have been exceptions in-between but the majority of the appointees have been those whose journalism has identified with one party or another).
As result of the more political and less professional nature of the organization, the Council that should have been functioning with the singular goal of making journalism more professional to contribute toward a smooth political transition, has for over a year been embroiled in a battle over appointments. The out-going information and communication minister triggered the most recent round by trying to purge PCN members appointed by his predecessor and replace them with his appointees. But because the law has a clause, on the term of the appointment (four years) the matter reached the court, which has yet to make its final decision. A two-judge bench had conflicting verdicts and therefore the issue is now awaiting a hearing by the full bench of the Supreme Court.
The interface of politics with the Nepali media seldom gets the attention it deserves largely because the major institutions representing the media are political, even partisan. In such a situation, professionalism tends to get measured not in terms of serving the larger public interest but in terms of the politics that is considered ‘right’ at a given point of time.
The interface of politics with the Nepali media is an issue that seldom gets the attention it deserves largely because the major institutions representing the media (including the PCN) are political, even partisan. In such a situation, professionalism tends to get measured not in terms of serving the larger public interest but in terms of the politics that is considered ‘right’ at a given point of time (or when the categorization is done). This, in brief, describes the political economy of a large section of the Nepali media.
The deep partisanship in the media played out in public once again in the past weeks after a newspaper run as a mouthpiece by the CPN-UML did not like a report that appeared in many broadsheets, including one which has the largest readership. The story was about a sports utility vehicle imported for use in a hydro-project that outgoing prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal decided to continue using (something that all former prime ministers have done) after he left office.
Rather than discussing the pros and cons of letting out-going prime ministers (and also home ministers) continue using expensive vehicles when they leave office, and/or discuss the system that should be adopted as standard practice, the weekly chose to accuse the reporter of malice. It accused him of not writing about other former prime ministers (mainly from the Nepali Congress that had also taken vehicles when they left office) and also took a shot at the reporter’s personal habits setting off a shouting match with media on both sides. Or, it was a case where the media was used to settle personal scores and defend personal egos.
The concerned reporter and the daily’s journalist association filed a complaint at the PCN seeking adjudication based on the code of conduct, following which the Council has reportedly asked the reporter to ask the weekly to retract the story and publish an apology. How the issue unfolds remains to be seen as is whether the PCN will review stories that had appeared in the weeklies and the fortnightly discussed above.
A related issue – about a news story that said the government was thinking of buying a new Range Rover for the new prime minister that could be his upon quitting, as is the trend – also triggered and extended debate on the NNSD@yahoogroups.com. There were varying positions on whether an outgoing prime minister and home ministers should get to take a vehicle of choice. Then former finance minister Surendra Pandey suggested that the report in question was not factual. The editor of the newspaper in which the story had appeared was, however, swift to stand by the story. It also remains to be seen how the story pans out and if the government will ever take a decision on how to handle the issue of the expensive perk that politicians have been enjoying.
The issue is something that needs to be decided either way. As suggested by a colleague, the topic is one that the media needs to dig further and write about if only for one reason: Very few of published property statements made by the ministers upon taking office mention the vehicles they own (perhaps, they don´t because they all use public property).
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