Then I saw some people grabbing Pandey´s briefcase that presumably contained the budget document and taking it toward the exit on the south of the assembly hall. Halfway toward the exit, this gentleman, whose name I do not know even after two years for the simple reason that in a crowd of 601 members he had hardly ever made any impact that was worth remembering, was suddenly full of action: He threw the briefcase on the floor and jumped on it with a roar that was incomprehensible, something akin to the victory cry of a primate that has just been successful in a life-and-death battle. Spontaneously, before I was even aware of what I was doing, I raised my hand and shouted furiously: Shame! Shame!! Shame!!! That was the extent of my intervention.
THE AMBUSH
Soon the speaker ended the house before more damage was done. Then most of us belonging to the non-Maoist camp headed toward the office of the prime minister inside the parliament building like a retreating force that had just been ambushed badly. In the office, the PM seemed stunned, with eyes wide open and a facial expression that seemed to waver from disgust to surprise. He did not seem to be in a mood to talk. Perhaps, he was trying to make sense out of the sequence of events of the day.
Finance Minister Pandey was massaging his neck with a blank and impassive face not sure of whether he should smile or cry. When I asked him about the incident, he told me that his neck had to face the wrath of the Maoist assault. In the meantime, UML chief Jhala Nath Khanal entered the room like a person who had lost his way inside a building and was therefore unable to decide which room to occupy. But, as usual, he looked calm, composed and unexcitable with a facial expression that almost looked innocent. Then entered Ram Chandra Poudel from the door behind the PM. We urged him to sit on the sofa. I am not sure if he heard us. He walked as if in a trance and headed toward the second door across the room muttering some words almost like a Brahmin chanting verses from a Sanskrit text. He said "it is no use talking with these people any more"
Millions of people all over the country were watching the finance minister presenting the budget in the parliament. Maoist comrades knew this. They were fully aware of the fact that their actions were being televised. So my thinking before the parliamentary session was that their program to disturb the proceeding of the parliament would be rather civil: They will walk toward the speaker and register their protest by shouting slogans. The slogans would then continue for a few minutes and the house will end with the speaker canceling the presentation of the budget with his normal and somber plea for consensus as he has done so many times in the past without any result. In fact, about one hour before the house started, comrade Prakash (Narayan Kazi Shrestha) of the Maoist party told the formal steering committee meeting of the parliament politely that they will protest against the budget as they are in the opposition and do not agree with the ways of the government. I jokingly asked him to tell the meeting the "form and content" of their protest so that people like me could do their seat planning. He smiled friendly as usual and said nothing. So members like myself expected the opposition to raise their voice against the budget but the idea that they would deliberately and in a planned manner assault the finance minister, tear the budget document and strike a blow at the very concept of democratic behavior was beyond our comprehension.
For the Maoist leaders, the violence inside the parliament will help them assure their cadres in Gorkha where they are holding their mass political jamboree that they do not intend to be a part of the "parliamentary-democracy swamp". On this point, the three Maoist leaders that are said to be projecting three different scenarios of the future are in agreement.
On the other hand, it is also possible that the fact that the whole proceeding had a live coverage provided the incentive to the Maoist leaders to plan the assault. For ordinary viewers in the villages and countryside across the country, the image of Maoist lawmakers whipping and thrashing the finance minister, tearing the budget and breaking the table of prime ministerial aspirant Poudel of Nepali Congress projected a clear message that to oppose the Maoist politically represents a mortal danger. From the perspective of ordinary man, if the Maoists can beat at will senior members of the government inside an institution like the parliament and still declare proudly that they are doing all this for protecting the constitution, how can an ordinary person resist Maoist diktat in the villages and cities of the nation? Once political workers of other parties start asking these questions, it is clear that they will think twice before they argue politically with the Maoists. A psychological terror of this kind is a powerful weapon that authoritarian regimes have used in the past and it is remarkable that the Maoists by televising their violence are showing their dictatorial political inclinations so quickly. It was in a way the foretaste of the governance style of the Maoists if they were able to "capture power", a theme that they are never tired of explaining before the gathering of the faithful.
FORM & CONTENT
For the Maoist leaders, the recent violence inside the parliament will help them assure their cadres in Palungtar, Gorkha where they are holding their mass political jamboree that they do not intend to be a part of the "parliamentary-democracy swamp". On this point, the three Maoist leaders that are said to be projecting three different scenarios of the future are in agreement. Perhaps, it is for this reason that any agreement with the Maoist party whether it is an oral commitment in a meeting or even a written understanding signed by the leaders has no relevance in practice if the Maoists find it incompatible with their interest over a period of time.
In this process, however, the trust deficit between the Maoist and non-Maoist parties continues to widen. It would be wise on the part of the Maoists to take this fact into cognizance and accept once and for all that a one-party rule based on Cuban, North Korean or some variant of Stalinist model cannot and is not going to be the form and content of democracy acceptable to the Nepali people.
Writer is leader of Rastriya Janashakti Party in parliament
prakash_dr@hotmail.com
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