Nepali national security needs to be in tune with its geo-political reality. One effective way to tackle both internal and external threats is through national security management. A country's security policy is always guided by defensive and preventive motives. While analyzing Nepal's internal enemies, we must factor in poverty, illiteracy, protracted political instability, corruption, regional and caste-based differences, and growing wealth gap. On the external side, Nepal does not have any permanent or temporary enemy. But there are potential enemies and Nepal does not have any friend to look upon during a time of need.Economic blockade, border encroachment, arrival of foreign refugees, international terrorism and religious and ethnic conflicts are 'soft' threats. Neither of our two neighbors considers Nepal a hard threat. Their concern is that transnational elements may use our soil to harm their interests. In such a situation, Nepal needs to identify external and internal threats and come up with a suitable plan. Our national interest must clearly define whether India and China are our enemies or friends, which country is dangerous for Nepal and how to mobilize the army, police, armed police, people, neighbors, regional blocs, friendly nations and the United Nations for protection of our national interest.
Similarly, national security will be strong only with unity among ministries, the National Planning Commission, civil society and media. The NPC and ministries should consult the Nepal Army while formulating development plans. While building up necessary infrastructures like roads, airports, bridges, canals, dams and while installing communication equipments, they should be designed in a way that is helpful to Nepali security forces and obstructive for the enemies. This is international norm.
In other words, the government is the national security management engineer, while the ministries, civil society and media are its carpenters and builders. And the army, police and other employees are like stones and bricks. Until World War II, the army was considered the only protector of national security. But the paradigm has changed in the 21st century. Now development and economic progress are also considered a country's powers. Currently, national security is impossible only with guns.
Nepal's constitution should be taken to the people. Then the state should encourage historians to write history and the people to read it in order to promote national unity. History works as a fuel for national pride. Following the Maoist insurgency, Nepal's history got lost, while political leaders are distorting it in line with their partisan interests.
And there should be fewer political parties. Otherwise, there will continue to be political instability. The bureaucracy is also too big. When there are hundreds of thousands of employees, the state cannot provide them with good salaries and other facilities. It is natural for such underpaid employees to indulge in corruption. Our bureaucracy is also based on the master-servant model, which was founded in India during the English rule.
Due to weakness of national security, we are becoming strangers inside our own country. Since we do not have north-south roads in sufficient numbers, the residents of Tarai feel they are in a foreign land when they see mountains. The locals of mountain and hilly regions also have similar observations of Tarai dwellers. Besides, there is a widening gap between the rural and urban people. Because of this we are unable to bring together various ethnic communities.
Identity-based politics is thriving and becoming a challenge for national security. To counter this, it is important for Nepal to build at least one north-south motorable road in each of the 14 zones. This will help residents of Tarai, hill and mountain regions bond. Besides, Nepal should implement appropriate vocational education. The current education system that produces the ranks of unemployed is a threat to national security.
After World War II, Japan made remarkable economic progress and its national security was strengthened because of personal discipline of Japanese people. They developed the culture of abiding by the state's orders. In Nepal, every sector has witnessed a decline in discipline. The National Cadet Core (NCC) run by the Nepal Army needs to be expanded in order to make youths and children disciplined.
As in Israel, there should be 'one heart' and 'one mind' among Nepal's security agencies—Nepal Army, Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and the National Investigation Department—to strengthen national security, not unhealthy competition. Instead of professional reforms, there is a practice of wearing 'quality' uniforms and using expensive vehicles. The nation's security situation has thus deteriorated even compared to the Panchayat days. Moreover, there is competition among security agencies and officials to influence ministers, secretaries and politicians by highlighting nonexistent security threats so as to increase the numbers of personnel and create additional high-level positions.
In fact, national security will never be strong by increasing guns. We need not purchase weapons if we are able to create employment opportunities and reduce poverty. When the nation faces an emergency, all security agencies should work together under a unified command. During time of peace, unified training centers should be established and all four security agencies must conduct warfare technique training together.
During the period of conflict, it was not easy for security bodies to carry out operations under the command of Nepal Army because of lack of uniformity in culture, training and weapons. It was not a weakness on the part of the security forces, but a lapse of national security.
To tackle external challenges, various warfare options should be formed under Nepal Army. The line ministry should extend logistic support. The warfare techniques and strategies learnt by Nepal's security forces from the US, the UK and India may not be useful here. For example, in Nepal, vehicles do not ply and helicopters and aircraft do not fly if the neighboring country does not give us fuel. We also have to depend on them for food. We cannot fight if the neighbor does not allow us to import bullets and bombs. Nepal, therefore, must opt for warfare techniques and logistic support as required by the country's soil. The warfare techniques applied by the Maoists could be used even in external wars.
The government must appoint a national security advisor to the National Security Council. The security advisor must have knowledge in international security as well. The government should also hire other experts and the National Security Council must be headed by the Prime Minister himself, and it should not be under the Defense Ministry since it is not a Defense Council.
Nepal cannot fight China or India. However, the country can delay attack and garner international support. Keeping this in mind, Nepal should study defensive policies adopted by Israel, Pakistan and other countries. It may not be wrong to have nuclear capability if neighbors continue to behave as bullies.
It is also essential to right-size security agencies. A crowd sans means and resources cannot fight. Up to 40 percent security personnel could be chopped off. The money saved will help Nepal have small nuclear capability. The war a country fights against more powerful enemy is called asymmetric warfare in which nuclear, chemical and biological weapons can be handy.
Lastly, to protect Nepal's national security, we must construct walls along the borders with India and China. This is international practice and Nepal's right. Similarly, the federal system being implemented has caused many difficulties. It is inappropriate for this small nation with many ethnic and lingual groups. It would be wise to postpone federalism at least for five years. We need to strengthen democracy before opting for federalism. The ministers and lawmakers need to understand how to formulate national security plan. This is not difficult. But they must first realize that Nepal can manage its national security on its own.
The author is Ex-Brigadier General of Nepalese Army and has MSc in Global Security from Cranfield University, UK
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