As the details of the agreement became known, the criticism from all political parties outside the government grew louder. The opposition parties argued that the agreement was divisive and was a slap on the face of those who believed in a consensus government. They demanded an annulment of the Seven-Point Agreement and the resignation of Khanal. Khanal tried to promote the agreement as necessary to bring the constitution-drafting and the peace process to conclusion, although he knew that he needed the cooperation of the opposition parties to do so. His effectiveness as prime minister and ability to expedite peace-building depended on his ability to demonstrate that he had the courage to act independently if the opposition parties’ demands conflicted with that of the Maoists. He tried to show his independence when he resisted Maoist pressure to appoint their choice as home minister, but under relentless pressure he succumbed to their nominee and to the appointment of yet another Maoist, one charged with murder (now resigned).
This further deepened the divide between his government and the opposition and hindered the work of the important multiparty committees appointed to advance the peace process. The work of the special committee on army integration and the subcommittee of the main Constitution Drafting Committee to resolve contentious issues was completely stalled. The May 28th expiration of the term of the Constituent Assembly (CA) was fast approaching, and to avoid a constitutional crisis it became imperative to grant an extension. To avert the crisis, the three main parties, the Maoists, the Nepali Congress, and the UML, signed the Five-Point Agreement and extended the term of the CA for another three months. The Five-Point Agreement virtually annulled the Khanal–Dahal accord. Under the Five-Point Agreement, Khanal was supposed to resign immediately and lead the way for the creation of a consensus government. But he did not. And in keeping with the history of the numerous agreements signed between political parties since the Twelve-Point Agreement of November 2005, the controversy over the interpretation of the Five-Point Agreement began soon after it’s signing.
Meanwhile, because of his continued snubbing of the opposition and submission to the Maoists, Khanal started being seen as a Maoist proxy (a number of his own party leaders said so). It has become virtually impossible for him to act independently, as the Maoists keep on revising their demands and coming up with new ones. His capitulation to their recent demand that he reshuffle his cabinet and induct a new set of ministers to replace the previous set—also appointed under Maoist pressure just a few months ago, despite opposition from his own party’s senior leaders and leaders of opposition parties drastically diminishes his authority. This demand is also the Maoists’ way of showing Khanal and the country who is the boss and flagrantly dispensing with the consensus government agreed in the Five-Point Agreement for an indefinite time. Obviously, the Maoists would have no interest in a consensus government until Khanal plays to their bidding. Khanal’s own party objected to the Maoist demand.
Khanal’s initial muted protest against the latest Maoist demands fizzled within 48 hours and he capitulated once again to oblige his debtors and appointed new ministers according to the Maoist dictat, thus lending credence to the charges that he is a Maoist proxy. Khanal knew that if he did not give in he would lose his job.
Thus under Khanal’s leadership, in six months, the Maoists have killed two birds with one Khanal stone. They have tactfully taken virtual control of the government without taking any responsibility for good governance and successfully undermined the UML’s image and status. Khanal’s submission to the Maoists has further deepened the opposition parties’ distrust of them and is likely to further stagnate the important matters of army integration and the drafting of the constitution. Nepali Congress has started shutting down the parliament unless the terms of the Five-Point Agreement are followed. The law and order situation of the country continues to deteriorate. Thugs and criminals operate openly under the protection of their political bosses. Even senior officers of the nation’s police force have openly started pointing to political protection of criminals as the main reason for the failure of law enforcement.
Jhalanath Khanal wanted to be the prime minister, and he became the prime minister by signing a secret deal. Under his rule, the country has sunk to a new low. His surrender to the demands of one party—which commands its own private army, and which relies on extortion as a means of financing the party—with total disregard for the protestations of opposition which represents over 60 percent of the population and his own party, has pushed the country to the brink of explosion. To be fair, Khanal took over power when the people had already lost hope in their political leaders and the simmering undercurrent of repressed anger was already waiting to explode.
Khanal’s six months has added fuel to this despondency. The youth of the country have started talking about a citizen’s movement and their Facebook pages are ripe with dissent and anxiety. If Khanal can convince his Maoist partners to live up to the terms of the all-party 12-Point Agreement that they signed nearly six years ago and truly come into the fold of mainstream politics, he will be vindicated by history. Otherwise, his six months will be seen as a period that pushed the country to the brink of disaster.
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