Nepali Congress (NC) leader Girija Prasad Koirala’s (GPK) effort to establish his daughter Sujata as deputy prime minister and eventually make her the country’s prime minister is just another example of the so-called Asian tradition of inherited perks and privileges. Sujata’s ascendancy fits the pattern very well and there is nothing surprising or shocking except for the glaring difference when compared to other family dynasties—that Sujata’s promotion is spearheaded by her father and her father alone while, in each of the cases mentioned above, political inheritance flowed (except, perhaps, for Kim Il) from the expressed will of the people, out of gratitude for the sacrifices the leading families had made that contributed toward changing the course of their country’s history for the better.
Aside from her family’s big name, Sujata has nothing else to lay claim on political leadership of the country and assume high government position. She had left for foreign shores during her youth and was residing in Germany with her German husband and two kids during democracy movement of the 1980s and early1990s that helped bring her father to political prominence. There is no record to show Sujata’s involvement nor concern for what was happening back home in Nepal.
However, Sujata did not waste a minute to rush back home after her father became prime minister with NC’s convincing victory in the May 1991 election. The general expectation then was that Sujata would step in for her mother who had died several years earlier, and assist her father as Indira Gandhi did for Nehru—by maintaining family household and ensuring her father’s good health.
In Sujata’s case, however, her public image became that of a commission agent for her father—collecting kickbacks from those seeking her father’s favor and putting all senior government appointments for sale to highest bidders. Of course, much of this is may comprise public rumors and vague allegations but a few very well-known cases of corruption—of which two large ones involving RNAC affairs, i.e., Lauda and Dhamija scams—caught public imagination with the ferocity of a wild fire which not only turned Sujata into a household name for practicing black magic but also did irreparable damage to Koirala family’s legacy of standing up against feudalism and winning democratic rights for the people.
GPK’S DOUBTFUL LEGACY
It can be argued that GPK was unaware of much of the wheeling and dealing his daughter carried behind his back. However, the public image of GPK, which emerged from the wayward behavior of his daughter, was far less sanguine—that GPK was not only fully aware of the influence-peddling actions of his daughter but he actually encouraged it.
Beside GPK’s weakness for Sujata, his own political record appears murky and self-serving to the boot, which becomes all too clear after reviewing events subsequent to the restoration of democracy in 1990. Because of the immense odds the nascent democracy faced at that time, the sensible choice would have been consolidation—not fragmentation—of political forces that fought for change and had democratic credentials. This essentially meant that senior leaders of NC would join hands to face off the common enemy they fought so hard and for so long.
However, cooperation and collaboration was not of interest to GPK, who was much junior and less known than other senior Congress leaders—Ganesh Man Singh and KP Bhattarai—whom GPK considered obstructions to his own ambitions, irrespective of the consequences this had for democracy and nation’s welfare.
Predictably, following the start of Bhattarai’s interim government in April 1990, GPK and his cohorts worked untiringly to defeat Bhattarai in the forthcoming election and actually succeeded in doing so a year later, and then Koirala became prime minister. His next step to gain supremacy and become the uncontested leader of his party was by undermining the charismatic Ganesh Man Singh whom he successfully ostracized and kept isolated. Although GPK became the undisputed leader of his party by defeating Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh, it proved costly for democratic revival and sent confused signals.
Not satisfied with his triumphs over Ganesh Man Singh and Bhattarai, Koirala continued his quest to gain domination at the cost his party’s goodwill and larger interests of the country. Even after securing a clear victory for the party during the May 1991 election (NC won 112 out of 205 seats), Koirala took a personal decision to dissolve the government after facing desertion from party rank and file, rather than yield power to someone else from his own party. This was an act of extreme arrogance—my way or highway—and it also made it all too clear that Koirala considers Nepal’s democracy as his personal inheritance, nonnegotiable and nontransferable! Fifteen years on, the nation continues to suffer as a consequence of Korala’s arrogance, and his recent action to make Sujata the DPM serves as the final rites to mark the end of a family legacy.
CONGRESS WILL SURVIVE
There is no doubt great damage has been done to NC by the Sujata episode and by GPK’s audacity but this need not be construed as permanent setback for the party or darken its future for the long-term. Despite the rout it suffered in the last election—which, in large part, was a plebiscite on GPK’s handling of Maoists entering the political mainstream and his confusing stance on the role of monarchy—NC is trusted for its democratic credentials and considered a pillar of stability in a deeply divided nation. On the other hand, despite the electoral successes of Maoists and regional parties, considerable doubts remain regarding their legitimacy and readiness for governing a nation that appears fragmented in more ways than one. A communist government, for example, might be able to hold the nation together by force, if needed, or a military-backup presidential rule can help bring order and stability. However, such solutions can generate a strong backlash and is not considered wise for the long-term.
At the same time it also clear that political divisions ushered in by the Maoist onslaught is unlikely to be mended in any other way than by helping to rejuvenate the democratic order, whether of left or right. This means that Maoists can forget about returning to the jungle or taking over government through an uprising and street protests. They have to place their faith in the ballot box and commit to orderly governance. Also, it would be advisable for them to cast-off their communist label to escape from their pariah status and being ostracized by the international community. With all my sympathies for the successful end of Maoist movement, Maoists will not be able to govern the country on the strength of their electoral win alone, even if they secure a 100 percent vote. The present world views communist government anywhere as illegitimate and untrustworthy, not fit for keeping company or doing business.
While Maoists and other similar left-leaning parties (including UML that carries an even more intimidating name than Maoists’) coalesce together to win at the ballot box, the post-Koirala Congress needs to expand its wings to bring traditional democratic forces under its fold which, in large part, means winning back the voters in Madhes. Although the recent emergence of regional parties has eroded NC’s traditional base there, this loss need not be permanent if the party’s internal governance is made more transparent and democratic, unlike GP’s iron-fist rule of the past. The birth of new NC will not adversely affect Madhesi parties either, should they choose to amalgamate with a reformed NC. This is so because Madhes culture—as an extension of India’s—does not tie up with communism, and despite the illiteracy and poverty, people will not vote for communists—not that communists are bad or evil but simply because they are averse to the name.
At the same time, most of hill region witnessed Maoist movement in close proximity and are sympathetic to their left-leaning philosophy. Given this reality and assuming that hill-based parties settle their differences and unite at the ballot box, a left-leaning coalition will prevail in the hills while reformed NC will sweep ballots in Madhes. The country will then enjoy the stability of a two-party democracy, very much like Republicans and Democrats in the United States.
Transiting from monolithic rules of Koiralas and Maoists to a two-party democracy and sensible politics amounts to an unimaginable leap of political engineering. However, nothing else appears on the horizon to ensure stability and peace and a better life tomorrow.
Related story
Former PM Khanal lauds BP Koiralas contribution
