The HDR also introduced new indicators for ranking countries in terms of their performance on human development including the Human Development Index (HDI). Human Development was defined as the process of broadening choices for people and strengthening human capacities. The HDRs since 1990 have then put people at the centre of analysis, and the HDI has been continuously refined in the lights of better data and technical improvements.
Similar development in the HDR was the introduction of “Human Security” (HS) concept in 1994. HS seeks to place individual human beings rather than states at the centre of security concerns. One view maintains that the state as a legal and political institution is meant to represent and protect the security and interests of its people. In this sense, HS is egalitarian in its human-centered approach as it attempts to ensure security of all citizens.
The 1994 HDR identified Human Security having two key dimensions, ie, freedom from fear and freedom from want. It further identifies seven categories, economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community and political security. Furthermore, it states that any threat to one of the elements of HS is likely to have an impact over all forms of security as they are intertwined with each other. The same report states HS to be a critical ingredient of participatory development. According to another scholar, Bertrand Ramcharan, the essence of human security is to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Since the introduction of HS, it has received enough intellectual interests, some favoring it and some criticizing it. However, this article is not intended to indulge in that debate but to look at the state of HS in Nepal in the present political scenario as political security or protection from state repression is identified as one of the most important aspects of human security.
HOW SECURE ARE NEPALIS?
Professor Werner Levi in his article “Government and Politics in Nepal: I”, published in the Far Eastern Survey (1952), has written “for centuries, Nepal had been an independent country … but its people have never been free. Not foreign powers, but their own rulers suppressed and exploited them”. However, decades have passed since then and Nepal has gone through many political changes such as restoration of multi-party democracy, a decade-long civil war and the ouster of monarchy. These changes clearly bear witness to the fact that Nepali people have faith in democracy and its ideals. But have these political changes brought about the desired changes in people’s living conditions? Or, in other words have Nepalis been able to reap the benefits and enjoy their security frequently promised to them by the political leaders?
Though Nepal has made some improvements in reducing poverty, there are vast differences in living standards across rural and urban areas, across geographical regions and across population group (UNDP 2010). As political and economic power continues to be concentrated in the urban elites, and given the patriarchic and castiest nature of our society, majority of the population residing in remote areas, women and disadvantaged minorities have continuously been marginalized from their share of development benefits. In this sense, prosperity tends to be enjoyed only by the higher castes and classes in the urban areas. All these factors have led to contestation over resources and a share in decision making which can be seen by the increasing levels of political violence along ethnic lines.
With the abolition of the monarchy and Maoist entering the mainstream politics, it was hoped that the political change might usher in a new era of social advancement and economic progress. However, the parties have continued engaging in their personal feuds and rivalries and changing alliances which have widened mistrust among themselves. For anyone interested in Nepali politics, it would not be difficult to conclude that the only aim of political leaders since the Rana regime is the acquisition of personal power rather than addressing the country’s social, economic and political problems. The ethnic violence and violence created by youth wings of the political parties in various parts of the country have only made the lives of the rural population more miserable. The situation of human rights as reported by the Security Council remains characterized by a general atmosphere of impunity and lack of accountability. The recent political change has been discredited by its failure to bring the expected improvement in people’s lives.
It can be said that the human security status of Nepal is in a very pathetic state and the leadership has not been able to deal with the myriad social and economic problems facing the country. Unless the political establishment gives heed to equitable representation and participation from different strata of the society in decision-making, there is always threat to Nepal’s peace and fragile democracy.
It can be said that the human security status of Nepal is in a very pathetic state and what Prof Levy said some 60 years ago, still holds true. The leadership has not been able to deal with the myriad social and economic problems facing the country. Unless the political establishment gives heed to equitable representation and participation from different strata of the society (marginalized ethnic groups, castes, women and people from remote area) in decision-making body and in sharing of resources, there is always threat to Nepal’s peace and fragile democracy. However, the future of Nepal is ultimately in its own hands because it’s the Nepali state that has to represent and protect the security and interests of its people. What is of utmost importance is, to bring the present crisis to an end and agree to some kind of cooperative leadership capable of creating a high degree of national consensus (totally dependent on political leaders will) that would address country’s social, political and economic problems with assistance from specialized agencies. The time has come to act, before the states moves from “fragile state” to “failed state”.
pmrgautam@gmail.com
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