Hostage crisis

Stalled CA process

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The more things change in Nepali politics, the more they stay the same. Since the first Constituent Assembly elections in 2008, there have been six different governments, every one of them formed with the sole mandate of a timely constitution. But we are no closer to that constitution than we were when the first CA was elected. The major points of differences are the same, as are most political actors. It is inconceivable a viable constitution could not be had in over seven years if there was political will to do so. The bitter reality is that our political parties continue to be obsessed with petty power games. The parties in government act like they have carte blanche. The opposition, whatever its size, is seen as a noisome and noisy bunch that is best ignored. The opposition leaders, for their part, tend to act like wounded soldiers determined to obstruct the government every step of the way. Pretty much the same drama is being played out today—with a little twist.

Despite their differences, at no time since the first CA elections had our political parties stopped talking on the new constitution. Even during the two Maoist governments, first under Pushpa Kamal Dahal and then under Baburam Bhattarai, formal and informal channels with the opposition Nepali Congress and CPN-UML were open at all times. Such was also the case during the tenures of Jhalanath Khanal and Madhav Nepal and later, the 'consensus' PM candidate Khil Raj Regmi. It's thus troubling to witness the opposition Maoist and Madheshi parties refuse to talk to the ruling coalition—even when the government has met their condition of suspension of CA proceedings. The last couple of weeks CA Chairman Subhas Nembang allocated for 'consensus building' have been a waste. Even as Nembang is trying to bang heads together for resumption of CA proceedings Maoist Chairman Dahal has left on a weeklong China trip, as strong indication as any that the leader of the opposition doesn't believe continued dialogue will help.

Maoist leaders have been saying of late that they need more time for consensus. Yet they refuse to give a clear timeframe. The sovereign CA cannot be indefinitely held hostage in the name of consensus. As the opposition parties simply refuse to explore solutions through dialogue, the voting process in the CA must be resumed without any further delay. If there is no constitution this time around, people won't blame the Maoists and Madheshis, but the ruling Congress and UML whom they trusted with their votes. If the opposition parties are not taken into confidence, it is said, the country will be headed on the path of confrontation. But those pushing this argument also fail to offer a credible alternative. In a functioning democracy, people's mandate is the be-all and end-all. If political understanding was to be the sole basis for constitution writing, why did we have to waste 16 billion rupees in the second CA elections? Mohan Baidya's roundtable talks would have done just fine.