As the popular adage goes: ‘No man is indispensable but some are irreplaceable’. GPK is in fact irreplaceable. His death has left Nepali politics without a patriarchic, something that he had become during the final stages of his life. As we celebrate GPK’s career and historic legacy, we celebrate a man of strong willpower, deep conviction, unforgettable charm and an untiring passion for politics.
Critics say that had he played his innings a little differently, he would have established his legacy as ‘Gandhi’ or ‘Mandela’ of Nepal or won the Nobel Prize. Looking at his entire political life with its ups and downs, we see that GPK took the same route as most leaders from the developing world would take. After all, politics ultimately becomes personal because of one or the other reasons. GPK was a calculative, artful and crafty politician: Shrewd, astute, and perspicacious game maker, protective of his supporters and family member, and guarded by a few but accessed by many.
However, there is one formidable aspect that sets him apart from all his contemporary leaders, such as his longtime friend Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, or his juniors such as Sushil Koirala or Sher Bahadur Deuba: He had the ability to rise to the occasion even if something was unpopular and against his long-held ideological line. This is the reason why GPK, a strong advocate for constitutional monarchy, became a republican in the later stage of his life for the larger interest of resolving Nepal’s conflict through peaceful means.
My acquaintance with GPK goes back to my first meeting immediately after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Every time I had the opportunity to see him, I tried my best to give constructive criticisms about Nepal’s peace process, which is unique, tumultuous and defies all conventional approaches. I recall telling GPK that he could not afford to go on signing agreements with the Maoists without effectively implementing any of them. Once I said: “The peace process cannot just hinge on political will. You need to build the national capacity to implement it. What if your good chemistry with Prachanda or Baburam collapses?” GPK smiled and said: “I trust Prachanda; he understands how to be flexible, but I am scared of Baburam, who doesn’t want to give up anything. He is a very tough negotiator.”
Unfortunately, the same chemistry and goodwill between GPK and the Maoists could not continue after the Maoists decided not to back him up for the post of president leading to the breakdown of ‘consensus politics’.
The legacy of GPK will continue burning brightly only when the leaders from major political parties save Nepal from increased political polarization and fragmentation.
Every time I had the opportunity to brief GPK about Nepal’s peace process, I came to know that he actually liked those people who brought new angles into the discussion with straightforwardness and were not afraid to speak the truth. Although he was usually surrounded by his staunch loyalists, he was a good listener and always full of enthusiasm for learning more on the topic he was interested in. I recall my briefing to him about the views of the international community including India and the United States on Nepal’s peace process and he asked me to find some more information and meet him after two days.
GPK defined some of the new parameters for being a good leader: You do not need to be a thinker or well-versed in political philosophy so long as you spend quality time meeting and listening to as many people as you can.
When the movement for restoring democracy started in Nepal, no one believed in GPK’s prescription of reviving the dissolved parliament and using it as an entry point to resolve Nepal’s conflict. GPK stuck to what he believed in and people eventually followed him. GPK strongly believed that for institutionalizing the gains of Nepal’s democratic movement and ensuring a strong foundation for a new Nepal, “consensus politics” was the key.
People often portray GPK as a serious leader because of his famous saying: “I do what I say and I say what I do.” However, many may not know about his humor and witty side. In one of the meetings, I recall that both GPK and I had worn identical black overcoats. To my question of why these two coats are identical, he responded: “Because we are both democrats.”
A true tribute to GPK would be reviving the politics of consensus to resolve all outstanding political and economic problems of Nepal. It is never too late to do what is right. Sometimes, political crisis also creates an opportunity to realize the depth of the problem and rally behind a common cause. The legacy of GPK will continue burning brightly only when the leaders from major political parties save Nepal from increased political polarization and fragmentation.
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