There has not been a free, frank and full discussion as to what type of party NC is or ought to be in terms of policies and programs; left-leaning persons and perspectives have dominated most deliberations in this regard. With the party losing ground to the Maoists who vow to bring amul paribartan (total change), even a section of NC ranks has started to believe that to revive, the party should opt for radical changes in every field from political to social to economic to cultural. What they do not admit is that NC’s lethargy and unresponsiveness toward change is only one aspect and a small part of the problem and that the main reasons for the party’s decline are its dysfunctional organization, never ending intra-party feuds, inept or selfish leaders and poor mobilization and poorer schooling of cadres. Similarly, what the ‘pro-change’ lobby does not understand is that NC’s agenda of change should suit its belief and constituency; extremism is not its cup of tea. An illustration in plain terms – NC may advocate for land reforms featuring ceiling on agricultural land (including its redistribution) and progressive taxes on the urban one, but it should never go for nationalization or abolition of private lands.
The 1950 revolution against Rana oligarchy that NC launched was a gateway to great socio-economic leap as well, apart from a political one. The revolution that brought democracy, openness and freedom to the country also brought enormous changes in the socio-cultural systems and values that propelled the nation toward modernity from feudalism. But what is also true is that during, before and after the last two People’s Uprising that NC co-led, the party failed to show will, vision and direction for socio-economic changes. However, that does not mean that a centrist party that believes in liberal democracy should set the same prescriptions of change a semi-rebel party, which advocates radical one-party communist rule through violent means, lays down. Post-1950, Nepali society is free, where members of the society have will, ability and mandate to decide what is right for them and what is not. In freer societies, political parties and governments can only help to bring change through education, legislation and policy measures; they cannot impose their will the way traditional communists or ancient emperors tried to do. During the Rana regime, the rulers dictated social codes as well, besides political ones, which often resulted in socio-cultural evils like caste system. Today, we live in a different world where socio-cultural changes are shaped by social forces rather than by political ones.
Unfortunately, most of the debates on socio-economic change in this country have been politically-motivated and tailored to fit the converged agendas of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), evangelists and leftist and ethno-lingual politicians that have often resulted in hypocrisy and contradictions. For example, most of the recent socio-political changes including the switch to republic from monarchy and to secularism from a ‘Hindu’ state was gracefully accepted by the Hindu majority taking them as a call of time but instead of thanking them for their understanding and cooperation, the leftist-ethno-linguist-INGO-evangelist nexus has been angering the overwhelming majority with self-congratulatory remarks and irrational provocations.
The Maoists tried to introduce janabadi shikshya (people’s education) – their much-publicized agenda of change – at schools in their base areas of Rolpa and Rukum during the insurgency. The so-called revolutionary ‘educational system’ that tutored children A stands for arms (not apple) and B for bomb (not boy) turned out to be a fiasco. Even the handful of janabadi schools that were introduced are now either closed or abandoned as the party loyalist themselves have been enrolling their children in normal schools that provide ‘bourgeoisie’ education. Similarly, collective farming known as ‘communes’ – another Maoist agenda of change intended to abolish private property and class division in rural areas – also experimented in Rolpa and Rukum around the same time met with a similar fate as the pipedream programs didn’t work at all. The lists of abortive or short-lived changes are long.
Only changes that are viable last longer. Changes are exactly like medicines; one needs them to cure the illnesses of stagnation and backwardness. Countries and communities need stability to develop and progress; for instance, China benefited a great deal when it applied full brake to all its roller coaster rides initiated by Mao that included the notorious Cultural Revolution. Alas, our Maoists are unable to draw lessons from the soil and successors of Mao.
Maoists or non-Maoists, poorly-educated and narrow-minded proponents of ‘New Nepal’ have made themselves jokers by trying to change everything that was recognized, revered or practiced before, only to revert back to them later. For instance, Maoists dispensed with the national dress daura suruwal that Madhesis had already discarded before. Although Madhesis may have valid reasons for doing so, the Maoists have none except their ignorance. They thought that daura suruwal symbolized the erstwhile ruling class of Nepal. To make a realization, all they have to do is cross the border to Darjeeling (India) and see for themselves how popular it is there and judge whether the dress symbolizes Nepali elites or Nepali culture. (The government recently decreed daura suruwal as the official Nepali dress once again). Similarly, the Maoists opposed and obstructed beauty pageants for years only to give up the protests since last year. The trial and error have been going on.
Well, those wrongs were of symbolic nature, so they could be corrected easily. But when they are of substantive nature and mammoth proportions, capable of bringing deadly consequences, the country may not have a second chance. Proposed ethno-centric federal states with provisions of agradhikar (right to rule and right over the natural resources reserved for one ethno-lingual group) are the likely examples of irreversible damages. Among other catastrophic upshots, neo-apartheid is bound to bring inter-ethnic clashes. It will also push the single-largest ethnic group – Khas – and several other communities to revolt, as they will have no state of their own and have to accept the status of second-class citizens in states named after some 10 vocal and powerful groups out of 100-odd communities. Civil war and disintegration will be the destiny of our country should ethno-based federalization as proposed by the Maoists or one Madhes as demanded by the Madhesis materialize in the name of change.
Against this backdrop, NC has recently made public its roadmap of seven states to be formed on geographical considerations as against the ethno-lingual one. A welcome development, it should have been done long before. Smaller communist parties like Nepal Workers and Peasants Party and many other parties have taken a similar stand on this issue. The moral: All changes are not good. Therefore, NC should refrain from copying the revolutionary romanticism of others.
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