The debate on inclusiveness in NA started following Jana Andolan II. The debate was triggered by the provisions made in the Comprehensive Peace Accord and the Interim Constitution to determine the appropriate size of the army, democratize its structure and give it a national and inclusive character, including training on the norms and values of human rights and democracy. The vision statement published by NA also speaks of “developing multi-ethnic, multi-language, multi-cultural characteristics of NA through the medium of inclusiveness, provide equal opportunities for career development based on the principles of merit and effectiveness in a transparent manner.”
Women were recruited in the army only from 2004 and this move seems to have been triggered by a high number of women in the PLA. It was rumored that during the height of the conflict Maoist forces consisted of about 40 percent women.
However, there are two pressure points for the NA. First, the need to integrate People’s Liberation Army (PLA) fighters into the security forces, which obviously includes the NA as well. Second, the demand by the Tarai-based regional parties for a group-wise induction of Madhesi ethnic groups into the NA. An agreement between the Government of Nepal and the United Democratic Madhesi Front on Feb. 28, 2008 already speaks of ensuring “proportional, inclusive and group entry of Madhesis and other communities in the NA to give it a national and inclusive character”.
To prove that NA is inclusive, it boasts of having five separate battalions maintained exclusively for Magars, Gurungs, Tamangs, Kirat/Limbus and Madhesis. First, the reasoning for a separate battalion for the ethnic groups is in itself an expression of exclusivity rather than a desire for inclusiveness. Even when one assumes it as a measure of inclusiveness, the combined strength of these five battalions is only 4.4 percent (or 3950) of the total strength of NA. The meager strength itself speaks about the extent of exclusiveness in NA. The institution’s own publication also reveals Chhetri to be the most dominant ethnic group in the army. They represent about 16 percent of the population but their representation in the army is about 42 percent. This disproportion is also reflected in the decision-making level. When one particular ethnic group dominates the army structure, obviously, it will be at the cost of other ethnic group or groups.
The participation of women in the NA is also pretty low i.e. 1.2 percent of the total strength. The army is yet to become an attractive occupation for women. Moreover, the recruitment of women in NA only started in the recent past. Women were recruited in the army only from 2004 and the need to include them in the army seems to have been triggered by a high number of women in the PLA. During the height of the conflict, it was rumored that the fighting force of the Maoists consisted of about 40 percent women. Even the figures released from the Maoist cantonments point to about 20 percent women fighters.
Cumulative figures also show that more than half (approximately 52 percent) of the army strength comes from 16 districts, which make up just about 23 percent of the country’s population. There is lesser representation from the remotely-located mountain and hill districts such as Mustang, Manang, Humla, Mugu, Kalikot, Dolpa, Achham and Bajura and some Tarai districts such as Siraha, Dhanusha, Kapilvastu, Rupandehi and Rautahat. Interestingly, Gorkha, the home district of Maoist ideologue Dr Baburam Bhattarai, ranks at the top of the list in NA representation. Gorkha district is also the ancestral home of the Shah Dynasty – the patrons of the-then Royal Nepal Army.
In terms of representation on the basis of religion, Hindus comprise 99.1 percent out of the total army strength of 92,000. Buddhists, Muslims and Christians comprise just 0.86 percent, 0.03 percent and 0.01 percent respectively. Could this be the possible factor for NA recommending, as opposed to the declaration of Nepal as a secular state, a national referendum on deciding the religion of Nepal?
Overnight, it will be difficult to correct the structural deficiencies in a system. NA too must have realized its deficiency. Probably, to compensate for its structural deficiency, NA has started releasing ethnic-wise recruitment data. An ethnic-wise breakdown of 15,826 applicants for soldiers and followers in January 2008 showed that 53.3 percent of the applicants comprised of Brahmins and Chhetris, 30.9 percent Janajatis, 10.6 percent Madhesis and 5.3 percent Dalits. There is no information on the success rates. However, another set of ethic-wise breakdown of 4993 applicants for the 50 Second Lieutenant positions reveal 73.8 percent Brahmins and Chhetris, 22.5 percent Janajatis, 2.7 percent Dalits and 1.5 percent Madhesis. The success rate in written examination was 85.47 percent Brahmins and Chhetris, 12.60 percent Janajatis, 1.36 percent Dalits and 0.54 percent Madhesis. NA may be correct in justifying this shortcoming with the deficiency in the country’s education system rather than its recruitment policy.
However, given the near inherent structural deficiency of NA in terms of ethnic, gender, spatial and religion-wise inclusiveness and also its (un)attractiveness to certain ethnic groups, attaining the goals of inclusiveness in the army is going to be a Herculean task. To this problem, one must not least forget to add the stubborn stand displayed by the army generals, as mentioned in the beginning of this article.
Related story
NAS calls for logo for 8th national astronomy Olympiad
