Two Steps Backward
UCPN (Maoists) signed the seven-point agreement with the non-Maoist parties where it is clearly stated that the rank determination of the Maoist combatants and the organization of the so-called "bridge course" that combatants will have to complete before being a part of the security wing of the state will be conducted by the Nepal army. Maoist party has now decided not to honor that agreement after the formation of the new Dahal-Baidya combine inside the party.
Similarly, the Baburam Bhattarai government has decided that the land transactions undertaken by the Maoist during the period of armed conflict with the state will now be considered legal. Why Bhattarai agreed to this strategy knowing fully well that it virtually sabotages his "peace and constitution” line remains a mystery. Probably he lacks the political courage to assert his views. It is sad to see that he has transformed himself into a helpless and powerless shadow of the new Dahal-Baidya alliance.
As if this was not enough, Bhattarai has yielded to the pressure of the Baidya faction and has backtracked on the agreement to recognize the right to private property in the constitution. It is ironical that Bhattarai talks a lot about the idea of promoting industrial capitalism in the country based on private sector participation and, yet, cannot take a firm stand consistent with his rhetoric when it comes to the question of private property. Naturally, non-Maoist parties are furious and feel that they have been let down and betrayed by the prime minister.
It is interesting to note here that the PM never tires of outlining his strategy of adopting the "bourgeois democracy" as a step before a final leap towards the Maoist version of people´s democracy which means basically a one-party state under the control and direction of the Maoist party. This is his strategic intent and Bhattarai has emphasized industrial capitalism as a tactic to be adopted to reach his goal of a one-party state in the future. However, as a political leader he has failed to follow his tactical line of bourgeois democracy as a launching pad for achieving his mystical vision of a communist state.
As things stand now, the Dahal-Bhattarai combine of yesteryear that seemed at one point willing to face the Baidya faction on questions of ideology and strategy does not seem to have the political courage and guts to push for a majority decision inside the party. They have failed to convey a clear message to the Baidya faction that decisions in the party will be based on the majority principle while recognizing the right of the minority to articulate its views within the party system for consideration in the future. This is what seems to be happening in that party: Minority has hijacked the majority because the later does not have the political courage to present its position for voting. In the mean time, Chairman Puspa Kamal Dahal seems to have changed his alliance and Bhattarai stands out as the victim.
The New Alliance
A politically volatile situation inside the party where the majority fears a voting test and allows itself to be hijacked by the minority reflects neither unity nor strength but an attitude of surrender packaged before the people as a new model of making decisions. It is obvious that Bhattarai will be the casualty in this process since he has neither been able to push his political line nor has he been able to provide leadership to good governance. In fact, his performance as a leader of the government is dismal to say the least.
His commitment to good governance is the ultimate in hypocrisy given his callous indifference to outright loot and corruption by his cronies and coalition partners. In fact, Bhattarai is leading a new brand of neo-feudalism where a government ministry is a fiefdom of the concerned minister. The objective of his ministers seems limited to extracting as much rent as possible through the use or abuse of power. By his tacit acceptance of this new feudalism in the garb of a “progressive future” or the lame excuse of political compulsion, Bhattarai is providing leadership to a system of loot and plunder that this nation had never experienced before, since 1951.
When Bhattarai became the prime minister people had great hope and expectation from him. But he has failed to live up to it. Naturally, he is losing the faith and confidence of the people and the remarkable thing is that his party does not seem to care about this. Nevertheless, he is again trying to convey the message through his new program for the next six months that he is still serious about good governance. But his rhetoric which is basically a restatement of the budget seems more like a joke rather that a concrete statement of policy and action. Consider his new claim of rewarding efficiency and punishing under-achievement. For a leader who is unable to take action against his own minister engaged in “prepaid kickbacks” it makes no sense to assert that he will reward honesty and efficiency in the government. Does he really believe in his words?
The new emerging Dahal- Baidya alliance, the political isolation of the prime minister and his utter failure to lead the government has had a direct impact on the drafting of the new constitution. Dahal no longer seems serious to attend the meeting of the Constitution Commission and the same goes on the prime minister. For both the leaders, going around the country in government financed helicopter to provide training to their cadres has now become more important than attending meetings for drafting of the constitution. Similarly, senior leaders of the Baidya faction are now openly claiming that the new constitution will be declared from the streets and not from the Constituent Assembly. How unfortunate!
Does Bhattarai have a political line? It seemed he had one but he clearly lacks the courage to articulate it openly and be ready to face the inevitable political challenges. Similarly, for Dahal changing alliance may seem like a great political play for the moment but he needs to tell the people of this country if he has any political stand as far as the new constitution is concerned. He seems forever ready to swing between Baidya and Bhattarai using one or the other to come to power by whatever means possible. However, he cannot be a hardliner and a person committed to compromise and “give and take”—a phrase that he has been using in the Dispute Resolution Committee—simultaneously. Time is running out and both Dahal and Bhattarai need to take the interest of the country at heart and be ready for bold decisions that rejects the idea of “capturing the state” in favor of leading the nation.
I want to conclude with a sincere suggestion to Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai: Reclaim your political line of “peace and constitution” and be ready to face the challenges. The people will support you in spite of your dismal performance in governance. If you are not able to take up this challenge, the best course of action for you would be to resign.
The writer is the co-chairman of Rastriya Janasakti Party
prakash_dr@hotmail.com
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