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Bottom up

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Given, the elected representatives have shown little willpower to control graft. Also given, it is the top leaders of democratic parties who contribute most to the corrupt government machinery. Add to it the doubt that the same set of leaders, many with deeply stained pasts, will fare any better in controlling corruption at the grassroots level. And yet, none of these arguments undermines the dire need of elected representatives at the local level. There have been no local level elections in the country since 1997 and it has been a long time since the expiry of the five-year terms of the then elected local representatives. Since 2002, all local bodies have been run by appointed government employees.



The first problem with this state of affairs is lack of accountability. Any democratic society rests on the assumption that if people don’t like the way their elected representatives are working, they can always boot them out in the next polls, or, at least in theory, hold them accountable for their actions (or lack of it). The appointed officials, more often than not distributed along party lines, have managed to establish personnel fiefs without anyone to hold them accountable.



In fact, party bosses in the national capital find it all too convenient to let their grassroots level cadres (often the same government appointed officials) do the dirty leg work to prop up party finances. News reports have been pouring in from all parts of the country about the inter-party tussles in the distribution of the largess from the commissioned public projects. NC cadres in one district had a huge bust up with their Maoist counterparts over the distribution of the proceeds over a canal construction. A UML local official ran away with public funds slated for a local school in some other district. Such stories have become a fodder for the national dailies.



Thus the news that the four main political factions—NC, CPN-UML, UCPN (Maoist) and the Madhesi Morcha— have agreed, in principle, to hold local level elections at the end of 2012 comes as a welcome surprise. But there is plenty of room for doubt, on multiple fronts. At a time when the State Restructuring Commission has been working on drawing up a new federal Nepal, one can only assume what the lowest level of the government will be in the final reckoning. Will the shape and functions of the VDCs and municipal bodies be vastly altered from the current dispensation?



Will, in a year’s time, the country’s law and order situation be robust enough for successful holding of local elections? Is there any new program on anvil to check corruption at the local level, for even when the elected representatives were in place there were precious few who didn’t divert public funds for private and party benefits? One would also assume that the general elections would be held prior to the local polls. In that condition, can the state afford two huge undertakings within such a short time span? Many other doubts remain.



They are unlikely to go away unless the political parties show genuine commitment to clean up governance, from the grassroots to the very top level. People will be convinced only by a mechanism that ensures timely service delivery, greater accountability of local level officers and greater transparency in local contract process. A tall order for anyone, appointed or elected.



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