Since noon of that fateful Saturday, hundreds of ordinary citizens have been risking their lives and working tirelessly on the ground providing first aid, food, and shelter to victims. International rescue teams and aid agencies too have done a commendable job and stepped in to support their Nepali counterparts. The security forces have earned well-deserved praise for being at the forefront of search, rescue, and relief efforts. Their ability to adapt sound crisis management practices have no doubt saved many lives and helped with damage control.
Besides the army and the police, however, the response from other government agencies has been uncoordinated, inefficient, and inadequate. Although the government of Nepal has established a chain of command for disaster management, incompetent leadership and infighting hampered relief efforts in the crucial hours following the quake. For the next 24 hours or so, the political leadership of the country was conspicuous by its absence. When the leaders finally surfaced, they were still dumbfounded and had nothing worthwhile to contribute. Timely assistance from neighbor countries was valuable, but prior cooperation and coordination could have produced better results.
Despite the millions that have gone into disaster preparedness and training, April 25 exposed how woefully unprepared our national government was in handling a major calamity. Now in the aftermath of the 'Big One', the state owes its people a blueprint on how it intends to go about achieving relief, reconstruction, and rehabilitation work not just in the next few months but also for the long-term.
Nepalis need to know how the state is planning to deal with immediate relief work like providing shelter, food, water, medicine, hygiene and sanitation. When schools and colleges resume in mid-May, how will it ensure that the buildings and the students are safe? Where will the tons and tons of debris be taken away? Who is responsible for the safekeeping of cultural artifacts collected from fallen temples and historical sites?
According to the UN, more than eight million people have been affected by the earthquake. So offering tents and few days worth of food, water, and supplies won't be enough. For the mid-term, the government has to plan on sheltering and feeding families for at least three to six months. This will require great coordination and transparency in collecting, storing, and distributing relief materials. The state's report card on this front is not too promising as victims of the Sunkoshi landslide of August 2014 are yet to be resettled.
Once the government has a clear short-term road map, it must then begin planning for long-term rehabilitation and reconstruction. However, this can only be possible after a thorough assessment of damage, a task where Nepal might need foreign expertise. Then there is the arduous task of coordinating with line ministries, development partners, and donors to execute the plan.
The challenge here will be to cut through reams of bureaucratic red tape as quickly and efficiently as possible. As rescue efforts wind down, the role of the security forces will also decline. However, with their manpower and resources the army and police have a crucial role to play in nation building, but they need to be utilized effectively.
While this national tragedy has taken off spotlight from day-to-day politics, our leaders would be wrong to presume that the Nepali people have forgotten constitution. If the political parties can set aside their differences and work on a common vision to rebuild our weakened country and also complete the constitution quickly, they will earn back a lot of goodwill that they have lost over the years.
Other countries that have been ravaged by natural disasters have withstood the initial blow, used the tragedy to rally together, and come out stronger. Our senior leadership will now need to look at this calamity as a blessing in disguise and get Nepal in better shape.
The author is a former Head of Military Operations,Nepal Army
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