They assured that the general strike would be completely peaceful with no trace of violence. On the other hand, they were blaming the government for making preparations to violently suppress the peaceful movement. Thanks to the power of modern electronic media, people had live and instant access to happenings in most parts of the country. The police showed exemplary restraint even in the face of Maoist provocations and violent acts.
PUBLIC RESISTANCE
What was touted as the “people’s uprising” turned out to be a protest rally of Maoist cadres who were brought mostly from outside the Kathmandu Valley. The general strike became a nightmare for the Maoists, as open defiance by the local denizens spread spontaneously throughout the country. The movement took away people’s freedom of movement and daily business. Farms and factories were forcibly closed. Right to education and medical care were taken away. The informal labor class, whose livelihood depended on each day’s casual work, was the worst victim.
The culmination was on May 7 when more than 100,000 student and teachers, doctors and lawyers, farmers and businessmen, artists, journalists, local people and other professionals massed the Peace Rally at Basantapur to register their protest against the strike. The Maoists had placed all possible obstructions to prevent the rally in the first place through threats and intimidation to the organizers, and later by blocking its progress by attacking the peace marchers with batons and iron rods at various places. The sea of humanity at Basantapur was probably the last eye opener, which led the Maoist leadership to call off the general strike.
NOT PEACEFUL
Some called it a peaceful movement but it never was. Maoists openly used force, terror tactics and intimidation to enforce the strike. The forcible extraction of money in the name of “donations” to finance the movement was taking its toll. The strike in Kathmandu and other cities was enforced by their lathi-wielding cadres ferried from outside. This was too much for the local people whose patience ran out. They started opening shops shouting anti-banda slogans. The Maoists responded to the peaceful public resistance by violent attacks with lathis and khukris.
Reinforcement of cadres was brought in to overpower the localized protest. It is an irony that the international community and human rights organizations who often do not miss opportunity to comment on practically every national event kept silent in the face of the blatant attack on people’s basic rights. It was already late when OHCHR-Nepal chief Richard Bennett called a press meet to blame the Maoists for carrying lathis and rods, intimidation and other violent means and using children in the banda.
PREPARATIONS
The Maoists have been talking about the “final assault”and “decisive war” for some time for which they says “urban insurrection” is necessary. Their internal documents, interviews with international revolutionary journals and occasional remarks by leaders clearly show that their next goal is a “People’s Republic” for which uprising of the urban middle class is necessary. Under pressure from the hardline party cadres, there obviously was a tactical shift from the “revisionist line” toward “revolutionary line”. The general strike was probably the testing case for the intended insurrection. Maoists had made long and elaborate prepations for this movement.
They had brought about 60,000 cadres to the Valley from different parts of the country and housed in hundreds of shelters, with necessary ration and other provisions that could sustain them for more than a month. One could not miss Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s May Day speech that attempted to woo the Kathmandu Newars. The use of derogatory and foul language against the urban middle class afterwards on 8 May betrays his frustration over the failure to get their support.
It is noteworthy that in recent days, the Maoists were trying to better their relations with Nepal Army whom they always despised and condemned as a reactionary force. In a recent public speech Dahal said that Maoists and Nepal Army should come together, which would have been a case of treason in other democratic countries. This was a clear indication that revolutionary option is kept open for which the armed force would have to be neutralized. They have been using every possible means to divide the army even after the Katawal episode. The solidly united Nepal Army was compelled to decry attempts to divide them.
TRUST, BUT VERIFY
The gambit has failed for now. The Maoists should not forget that they have become the largest party in the parliament through popular mandate, despite questions about the fairness of the election. This is their source of legitimacy. People will accept them as long as they play constitutional politics within accepted norms of democracy. Forcing their agenda through armed and street power is unacceptable. If they want to lead the government, they should be able to command and not demand the respect and support of other parties. They must give adequate evidence that they are now a civilian party devoid of armed forces, the wartime infrastructure and paraphernalia that they still hold. They must show respect to the institution of private property by returning the land and other assets, which their party has illegally seized from the rural people. These are the properties belonging to middle and lower middle class local leaders whom the Maoist party had terrorized and displaced during the insurgency. The tenants are paying the rental income to the Maoists instead of its legitimate owners.
When Nepali Congress and other parties define conditions for support to a national unity government with the Maoists, we are often reminded that it is for the opposition party to make demands with the government and not the other way round. The demand for a Maoist-led government is something that can be met only by the willing participation and support of other parties, and not just by the government. The support would be forthcoming only when Maoist could prove their authenticity as a civilian party, which they have not so far. They have not implemented past agreements. Repeated betrayals have made Nepali Congress and other parties suspicious of their moves and motives. For the sake of peace and national interest, the parties are ready to trust again, but with due verification. “Trust but verify”, said Ronald Reagan in relation to his policy with Soviet Union.
WHAT NEXT?
The Maoist may be little down but not out. The current retreat is only tactical because of public opposition, and the national and international pressure. They still represent the most organized force in the country that can make the life of any government miserable. Even after the departure of thousands of workers from the Valley, sources estimate 30,000 still remain in the Valley that are in a mood to avenge the humiliation. The mass meeting after the withdrawal of general strike should be a warning against any complacency. Dahal continues with his bellicose rhetoric and warns of bitter days ahead.
The reaction from other political parties has been balanced and measured. On the part of Nepali Congress, we will spare no effort to work together. But the cooperation must be based on principles. The task of drafting the constitution is urgent, for which the tenure of the CA will have to be extended immediately. The country’s economy is in shambles. People are longing for peace. The sources of violence are still intact. There are obvious symptoms of anarchy and statelessness. These problems cannot be addressed without national unity. Maoists on their part must act as a responsible democratic political party and not just make the tactical use of the peace process to consolidate power to achieve their political goal.
Even after four years of the peace process they seem torn between the revolutionary pull of adventurism and the imperative of a civilian party. This must end. If Dahal’s outburst at the Saturday mass meeting is any indication, he has yet to learn lessons from his recent misadventures and miscalculations.
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