The evolution of United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists), UCPN (M), has not been any different. It defined its violent campaign against parliamentary democracy (bourgeois democracy) in terms of “class struggle” and until the election of Constituent Assembly did very well. Its election manifesto was not much different from that of other democratic parties as far as commitment to fundamentals of democracy was concerned. The people, tired of the old, corrupt and dysfunctional mainstream political parties, believed the Maoists’ were in the process of transforming themselves as a modern democratic party; forgave them for their violent campaign and gave them an opportunity to lead Nepal to prosperity under a democratic polity. Unfortunately, buoyed by the election victory and blinkered by the lens of “class struggle”, they believed that they had received peoples’ mandate to push the “class struggle” agenda and, as head of a coalition government, without any regard to the views of other parties in coalition, unilaterally they got into pushing their agenda. Their deceptions and delusions are evident from their inability to work with their coalition partners; the leak of Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s pre-election Shaktikhor video where he discussed his strategy to capture power by infiltrating Nepal Army; Vice Chairman Dr Baburam Bhattarai’s interview to the BBC where he talked about the forthcoming last phase of their revolution; their boycott of the parliament as a part of their campaign to oust the Madhav Kumar Nepal-led government; Dahal’s explanation of his party’s rescinding of an agreement to support Girija Prasad Koirala as the first president of the republic of Nepal (explanation: His party saw it as a class issue); the YCL’s continuing harassment of their opposition and the continuing illegal expropriation of government land and private property; the harassment of private schools and colleges by Maoist-affiliated student union and endlessly contrived labor-management, “haves” and the “have–nots” conflict generated by Maoist-affiliated trade unions.
As a result of the Maoists´ unpopularity, Premier Nepal has been able to remain at the helm of an appallingly dysfunctional government. Indeed, he has become the figurative Chinese shuttle cock: No matter how many times he is kicked, he lands on the ground upright.
The Maoists had started the “indefinite strike” as a last and final phase of their campaign to usurp power from the street. The view with the “class lens” deluded them to believe that the villagers, the industrial labors and the students trucked to Kathmandu under threat or by false enticements truly supported them and the country was behind them. They could not see the pent-up tide of ordinary Nepalis rising against their endless threat and extortion. Even the spontaneous strike of Kathmandu business houses protesting their threat and extortion one day before the official start of the “indefinite strike” was not enough to wake them up. Their subversion of the democratic spirit and lawlessness of their cadres has alienated the public to such an extent that for the first time, during the “indefinite strike”, villagers started chasing Maoist enforcers and declaring their villages “Maoist-free” zones. The strike collapsed under the weight of public pressure, but provided more evidence of the rigidity of the class-struggle mindset that continues to drive the Maoist agenda. Standing in front of thousands of his supporters in Tundhikhel after the collapse of the “indefinite strike”, an emotional and defeated Dahal gave away. He chastised the “sukila-mukila” of Kathmandu and the journalists for not supporting cause of the “maila-dhaila”. He threatened the “sukila” and the journalists by declaring that their lack of support of the indefinite strike was noted for the future. He did apologize a couple days later for those highly divisive, “class”-inspired remarks, but no one knows what to make of Dahal’s apologies any more. In the last two years, his threats and apologies have been coming in spades, almost in the same breath.
The strike dealt a major blow to the Maoists. In the aftermath of the strike their public popularity reached a new low and Dahal has become the butt of political jokes in the country. The Maoists had an opportunity to be transformational and Dahal, in the late Koirala’s words (quoted by Prachanda himself), to be “Nelson Mandela” of Asia. But they squandered it all. As a result of their unpopularity, Premier Nepal has been able to remain at the helm of an appallingly dysfunctional government. Indeed, he has become the figurative Chinese shuttle cock: No matter how many times he is kicked, he lands on the ground upright. The more Maoists kick him by way of bandas, gheraus and school closures, the more upright he can stand.
The Nepali people’s response to the “indefinite strike” had shown that their democratic aspirations cannot be thwarted by violence and intimidation. This is the first lesson Maoists need to learn from the collapse of the indefinite strike. They have squandered an enormous opportunity to lead the transformation of the country but they can rise again if they abandon violence, accept the supremacy of democracy and by implication of parliament and support the rule of law. Nepali people are looking for alternatives to Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal–United Marxist-Leninist and other political parties. They are aware that their aspiration for a democratic, prosperous country will not be realized without at least two strong, energetic, disciplined political parties committed to the ideals of modern, liberal democracy. A strong UCPN (M) committed to democracy will challenge the old democratic parties, and stir them from their state of comatose and endless internecine blood letting. The solution to Nepal’s problem does not rest on the ouster of Prime Minister Nepal; it rests on the transformation of the Maoists. If the Maoist leaders drop their class-lens; abandon the dream of applying a nineteenth century tried-tested and rejected Marxist formula in the twenty-first century, be truly progressive by embracing liberal democratic values, they can be the real saviors of “New Nepal”. If not Nepal is in for more conflicts.
nkoirala@shaw.ca
Related story
Plenty of Power, Nowhere to Go
-1778925320.webp)
