My wife did likewise, calling me in St. Kitts and Nevis in the Eastern Caribbean from where I tried calling Girijababu. However, remoteness of the place made it impossible for me to get a call through to him. I only called him up after returning home and Sushil Koirala (Girijababu’s close aide and confidant) had taken the call. He passed it to Girijababu who told me that he had an important job offer for me and that I should come to Kathmandu immediately. However, I told him that I had a job, a family, and many other commitments. I informed him that it would take time sorting out and will delay my departure by at least a week. He replied that that he did not have a week to wait for me and he needed my decision soon, within 24 hours. I promised to call back the next day and let him know of my decision.
It was an agonizing 24 hours, to say yes or no. I had no political experience and also told Girijababu that I have poor command over the Nepali language. But my wife’s major concern was regarding interruption of my career for a job I was not trained for. After considerable debate in the family I decided to decline the offer, which I did the next day by calling Girijababu. He was very upset, even angry, that I had the guts to say no to his dignified offer. He then made his parting remark: You love dollars more than your country!
Revisiting history
Last year I was in Nepal for several months in connection with the ambassadorial nomination. I met Sushil Koirala who stunned me: ”Sukhdev ji. You have destroyed Nepal’s democracy!” Sushil explained that, after I had declined the offer in 1991, it created a rift between Girijababu and Ganeshman Singh over the selection of candidate for finance minister’s job. Girijababu’s choice was Mahesh Acharya which Ganeshman vehemently opposed for many reasons, but mainly for the reason that Acharya was still a student, had no political background, and was a kin of Girijababu. But once Girijababu took a stand, it was his way or highway.
Rift concerning finance minister’s selection was quickly followed—in a more intense manner—over the selection of candidate for National Planning Commission vice-chairman. Ganeshman opposed Girijiababu’s choice of Dr Ram Saran Mahat and wanted his nephew, Durgeshman Singh, appointed to the job. Girijababu again ignored Ganeshman’s choice and went ahead with Dr Mahat. Other episodes of disagreement followed and NC was literally split between Girija camp and Ganeshman camp.
Reportedly, GPK later stopped all communication with Ganeshman and placed him in utter isolation despite the latter’s valuable contributions to the party and nation. When I visited Ganeshman in his hospital bed in 1994, a few months before his death that year, he had bitterly remarked that Girija had thrown water over his dreams for the nation’s welfare and that he wanted my support.
Mixed legacy
Girijababu is dead at the age of 85—a life full of years and full of honors. He had a glorious family for inspiration but not a glorious upbringing, in terms of affluence and life’s amenities. BP Koirala once related to me a story: Pitaji [Krishna Prasad Koirala, father of BP and GPK] saw a beggar walking near his residence in Biratnagar covered with a jute sack as he had no clothes. Pitaji went up to the beggar, handed him his clothes and asked the latter to handover his burlap sack. Then Pitaji promptly placed it in a package and mailed it to Chandra Shumsher with the message: Look how your people live!
Chandra Shumsher smelled rebellion and immediately put to exile KP Koirala and his entire family. They took up residence in Banaras in India without any means of making a living. BP told me that only his elder brother, Matrika, was of earning age and made some money selling newspapers. Family’s evening meal consisted of the humble sattu: Rice flour blended in water with salt and green pepper added to it. The early lives of Koiralas were really tough which contributed to the making of a whole generation of future leaders.
Though his own brother, BP did not take GP seriously as a would-be leader, although GP is credited for organizing Biratnagar’s jute mill workers to protest for better wage and working conditions. Reportedly, BP had urged Kishunji to make his younger brother his lieutenant after he was gone, because BP did not see leadership qualities in GP.
Nonetheless, as eastern heritage goes, there is very little to do with merits, caliber, or even interest; it is the family background that reigns supreme. It would be pure luck if the political offspring possessed deserving qualities. Thus, it is very difficult for me to judge how much of GPK’s dominance of Nepali politics over the past two decades is founded upon his family name and how much of it is based on his own merits.
The truth, however, is that GPK remained a towering figure of Nepali politics during its epoch-making periods, starting with the restoration of democracy 20 years ago. Later in life, GPK seemed to function like politicians’ politician, with everyone from president to opposition party leaders trekking to his doorsteps, even when he held no official position and his party had been badly mauled in CA election just two years ago.
My view is that GPK’s dominance of Nepali politics reflected, to a large extent, his superb ability to motivate his party workers and win their absolute confidence. In return, GPK would reward them handsomely and defend them against all odds. This was just the opposite of how he treated his opponents and people he did not like.
With the passing away of GPK, an era in Nepali politics has ended which, undoubtedly, can be characterized as a turbulent one in the country’s history, of no less significance than other similar transitions.
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