Only those who under-estimate the importance of government-formation in times of critical transition would characterize the present battle for prime minister as a “dirty game of politics”. At stake is the completion of the peace process, which would allow writing of a democratic constitution and the onward journey to political stability and economic growth.
All of this hinges on whether the present left-democratic alliance will hold – as it has since the days of the 12-point understanding of 2005, the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006, the declaration of republic in 2007, the Constituent Assembly elections of 2008, and the Madhav Kumar Nepal government over 2009-2010. This alliance is today in danger of a collapse amidst the competition for Singha Durbar, before its central agenda of “combatant management” is complete.
Respecting the peace yearnings of the people, and to rescue the constitution-drafting process, the left-democratic alliance must stand. Its members, including the CPN (UML), the Nepali Congress and the Madhesi parties, must continue to challenge the UCPN (Maoist) to demobilize its fighting force and paramilitary. The party must submit to the universal values of constitutionalism, including separation of powers, supremacy of the judiciary, and the fundamental freedoms.
More than four years ago, the Maoists made a commitment to convert to peaceful politics. The promise was made to the citizenry, the parliamentary parties, the neighbors, and the larger international community. The democratic polity played its part in good faith – inducting the rebels into the Interim Parliament in the same number as the elected UML; agreeing to a constituent assembly; declaring the republic through political decision; and participating in elections even as the rebels retained their private army. The parties and international community went out of their way to allow the UCPN (Maoist) the time and space required to convert its cadre to the requirements of open society.
The Maoist party reneged on its promise, repeatedly renewed its commitment, and reneged repeatedly. Its response to the goodwill was doublespeak, refusal to demobilize the combatants or the Young Communist League, non-return of seized property, and rejection of the fundamental values of a democratic constitution. The Maoists seem to want only a constitution made to their liking, and say they will not disarm until that kind of constitution is promulgated. The Maoist leaders know this is a recipe for deadlock and disaster, but seemingly could not care less.
The battle for prime minister is not a “dirty game of politics”. Only those who under-estimate the importance of government-formation in times of critical transition would characterize it that way.
TRIPLESPEAK
The UCPN (Maoist) strategy has evolved into this: 1) try and convince the foreign embassies that the party is social democratic at heart; 2) reassure the Kathmandu civil society stalwarts that it is, in fact, already a “civilian party”; and, 3) reassure the party rank-and-file that state capture through “protracted people’s war” remains the goal, the suspension being merely tactical.
Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal does not leave anything to imagination when it comes to his agenda, in word and deed. The Shaktikhor videotape, and the later Shaktikhor audiotape, contains explicit strategy for state capture, and no independent citizen will be convinced to read the tapes “in perspective”. Through continuous prevarication on “combatant management”, Chairman Dahal seeks to generate a fatalistic mindset among the political class, civil society and the internationals. The goal is to create acceptance of a situation where the radical party, gun still in hand, would lead the government and constitution-drafting.
More than what the ex-rebels say and do, the clinching evidence of Maoist designs is to be found in the party’s draft constitution recently made public. It essentially outlines the formula for a People’s Republic of Nepal. Amidst fine, democratic-sounding provisions, there are qualifications which confirm the supremacy of one party, the subjugation of the judiciary, controls on the press, restrictions on freedom of association, and so on. Again and again, the imprecise use of “nationalism” is employed to curtail rights and freedoms.
Meanwhile, the uncontrolled Maoist cadre are on a criminal rampage countrywide, from capturing local government contracts to running sand-mining, casino, real-estate, contraband and transport mafia. Enormous funds are raked in from the wholesale export of Chure/Shivalik boulders for highway-building in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, ensuring environmental havoc down the road. As a party which pays salaries to its entire cadre count, the UCPN (Maoist) is constantly in need of money, which traps the organization into promoting extortion, in the full knowledge that many of the faithful will switch to banditry.
And yet, the goal is not to isolate or abandon the Maoists. Since the peace process began, the parliamentary politicians have sought to democratize the party, even at a cost to themselves and their organizations. The neighbors, the internationals as a whole, and the national civil society can help in this task by insisting on the handover of the Maoist cantonments to the Special Committee created for the purpose, and to come to agreement on the core principles to guide the constitution-writing.
QUESTIONS, QUESTIONS
Can a constitution be written when one party retains its military and quasi-military wings? No. Did the Maoists promise to disband the cantonments within six months, and is it now two-and-half years since? Yes, on both counts. Should the UCPN (Maoist) be allowed to lead the government when they are still a political party with arms? No.
With the elections of April 2006, the Maoists managed a 38 percent presence in the House, which the other parties sullenly accepted. After an adventurist tenure in government, the Maoists resigned, following which they tried to strong-arm their way back in. For a full year, they sought to topple the government of Madhav Kumar Nepal through street action, indefinite national closure, anti-Indian ultra-nationalism, and inflammatory polemic. They fluctuated between calling New Delhi the lord-and-master (“prabhu”), willing to do all its biddings, and raking up anti-Indianism with no concern for the interests of the Nepali people and economy.
When nothing worked, the party returned to the House, with the agenda of breaking the left-democratic alliance. The Nepali Congress, the UML, the Madhesi and other parties hardly form a right-wing cabal that seeks to isolate and destroy the UCPN (Maoist). For the sake of peace for the populace, the alliance seeks long innings for the UCPN (Maoist) as a civilian party, but Chairman Dahal has proved unwilling. The continuing radicalism of his party is helping in the growth of a right wing in Nepali politics, and ironically, Chairman Dahal seeks its support to defeat the left-democratic alliance. He hobnobs with the royals as we speak.
Chairman Dahal has squandered four full years of the peace process, time he could have spent democratizing the rank and file. He could have succeeded in this had he wished, and completed the peace process, by utilizing the stature he had in-country, the support of the neighbors, the absolute control of the party machine, and a Maoist government which held all the key ministries, including even defense.
In a civilian party, Chairman Dahal would have had the option of stepping aside, letting another leader from his party become prime minister. It seems impossible for a leader in a politico-military organization to make a comeback, which is why the chairman has thrown decorum to the winds and is pulling all stops to get back to Singha Durbar. He will supplicate before New Delhi; dangle goodies before the royalists; reassure the Madhesi parties that he will cancel the State Structuring Commission (despite recently agreeing on its formation); offer deputy prime-minister to one and all; and dip into his war chest to wean away members of Legislative-Parliament with hard cash. The Maoist demand to lead the government is now reduced to Chairman Dahal’s demand to be made prime minister. He loves the country less than his party, and his party less than himself.
The Maoists did lead the government for nine months up to May 2009, but did not lift a finger to demobilize the cantonments as promised, trying instead to compromise the national army from within. The people cannot ride on the pious hope that this time the Maoists will behave better, for there could well be even more adventurism on matters of national security, law and order, definition of federalism, foreign policy, independence of state institutions, control over natural resources, and so on.
The resolution for now is to maintain the left-democratic alliance, even while seeking ways to save the Maoist party from itself – mainly by keeping it out of government leadership for now while helping it to demobilize and democratize. Amidst conditions of four-way polarization between the Nepali Congress, the Madhesi parties, the UML and the Maoists, the ideal would be to have a rotational prime ministership starting chronologically with the Nepali Congress, and ending with the UCPN (Maoist) – the last when the party detaches itself from arms and agrees on the founding principles of a democratic constitution. All of which requires Chairman Dahal to bring himself to love his party more than himself, if not the country.
kanakd@himalmag.com
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