The late Sushil Koirala, whom those close to him lovingly called Sushilbabu or Sushil Da, was a kind of politician who mostly chose to work behind the stage, rather than involve himself directly and aggressively to get his way. All of the upper-crust Nepali Congress (NC) leaders depended on Sushilbabu for critical decisions, but personally, he never showed any interest in government positions. Indeed, until he became Prime Minister in early 2014, Sushibabu had never held a government post, which made him the first Nepali politician with such an enviable track record.My own experience of Sushilbabu goes back over three decades ago when, in late 1983, he visited my home in Washington DC, accompanied by Girijababu. The next time I met him was in 1991, when he called me from Kathmandu to inform of an "important offer" from Girijababu: I was being offered the Finance Minister's job. Although pleased, I was unsure of my ability to handle such an important post and told Sushilbabu of my doubts.
But he was unhesitant, telling me: "Sukhdev ji, where we can find a person of your stature? Please come and help us!" I was both shocked and humbled by his reassuring words. I then talked to Girijababu who repeated what Sushilbabu had told me but with my family and career responsibilities I had to decline the offer.
During the ensuing years, I remained in close contact with Girijababu and Sushilbabu and they always sounded unhappy that I was not there when they needed me. This became apparent when I visited Sushilbabu in 2011. He then made a very stern remark about what had happened 20 years ago: "You know Sukhdev ji, you have destroyed Nepal's democracy!" I was stunned to hear him say so. Sushilbabu explained that when I didn't accept Girijababu's offer, that had started a feud between Ganeshman ji and Girijababu on the choice of the finance minister. Girijababu finally chose Mahesh Acharya for the position, which Ganeshmanji stubbornly opposed. He also opposed the appointment of Ram Saran Mahat as National Planning Commission's vice-chairman.
Sushilbabu added that the rift between Ganeshmanji and Girijababu was never bridged after that incident and, in fact, the rift widened, ultimately leading to Girijababu's decision to dissolve the parliament and call for new elections in 1994, two years before the end of his term. Girijababu's action precipitated NC's loss in 1995 and the birth of Maoist insurgency in 1996. During my talk with Sushilbabu, he implied that none of these unpleasant events—which proved disastrous for Congress—would have happened had I accepted Girijababu's offer. Sushibabu was perhaps right but, a quarter of a century later, I maintain that I wasn't prepared for the job and I made the right decision by not taking this rare opportunity, which promised name and fame.
The last time I had contact with Sushilbabu was in October of 2014, less than a year after he had become Prime Minister. Reportedly, Sushilbabu was in failing health because of his cancer. However, at the time I met him at his Baluwatar residence, he didn't seem so ill and gave my team—my wife and some other relatives—an enthusiastic overview of how his government had tried to bring an orderly transition in the absence of a constitution. During his remaining time in office he said he would focus on getting the constitution and only then turn to the serious business of governance.
Although throughout his life Sushibabu operated in the shadow of Girijababu, who died in 2010, he fit the mold of Kisunbabu—in opting for a simple and saintly life, with no vanity or desire for name and fame. He never got married, perhaps to devote his full time to NC affairs. Perhaps, and surely in my view, his zeal for public service emanated from his austere beginnings and also reflected his lineage to the great Bisheshwar Prasad (BP) Koirala.
May be it was wise for Sushilbabu not to take an active role politically while BP and later Girijababu played this role but, given his background, stature and a squeaky-clean image in politics, he could have asserted himself as a leader after the death of Girijababu. He did fight for and eventually won NC Presidency that had become vacant after Girijababu's death but it appeared that his political ambition didn't go beyond that. If, instead, he had chosen to play a more active role in winning political mandate for his party, setting up an example of clean governance and building the country's democratic institutions, he would have had a far greater chance of institutionalizing democracy, stemming the tide of communist onslaught on nation's politics, giving a life to an stalled economy and opening trade and markets to globalization.
It appears then that Sushilbabu's choice of a limited role and his failure to use his historical advantage and clout for building a following and aggressively seeking course correction for the nation's wayward politics wasn't well planned. There was more than an even chance that Sushilbabu's active leadership of NC would have been backed by a significant majority of voters who looked to NC as a safeguard for democracy, and also because it presented a credible alternative to communism.
On a personal level, Sushilbabu had created a reservoir of public goodwill, in the manner he had lived his life and projected an image of incorruptibility. Given such powerful attributes, he could have succeeded in his endeavor to rebuild democracy and make history as a true heir to BP, much more convincingly than Girijababu.
There is no evidence that Sushilbabu ever imagined his strength in this manner, and not only because of his failing health. But, at the least, he could have helped map out a strategy for better democratic governance. Sushibabu could have filled the governance void in Nepal. He could just have assembled a group of young visionaries and directed them to come up with a long-term strategy for speeding up democratization and putting in place a blueprint for the economy's modernization.
Unfortunately, this sort of vision was never a topic of discussion in Sushilbabu's administration or in others that preceded it. This may be so for a number of reasons but the most potent looks to be the small coterie of persons who tends to surround the Prime Minister Sushibabu as well as others. This coterie is made up almost entirely of close relatives and some career civil servants who have no zeal for trying new things.
Seldom has a new administration tried to get out of the close-knit circle of advisors and operatives and to access a broader group of experts and visionaries. It is hard to devise a new road map or try innovative schemes while relying on old hands and putting up PM's relatives in decision-making roles. It is no wonder then that, despite a history of personal sacrifices and life-long commitment to public service, nothing substantial seems to have changed from one administration to the next. Sushilbabu's was no exception.
sshah1983@hotmail.com
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