Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has started his six-day visit to India at the invitation of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his first foreign tour after becoming prime minister in October 2015. He informed the Parliament on Tuesday that his visit to India "will focus on taking the age-old close relations between Nepal and India forward with a new perspective... and there should not be any misunderstanding between the two countries." A day earlier he had told the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) special workshop in Kathmandu that his visit would help remove the "uneasy situation".But a new perspective to take the "age-old relations forward" is yet to be elaborated. The uneasy situation following the blockade at the Nepal-India border disrupted essential supplies of medicines and fuel at a time the country was only just starting to recover from the devastating earthquakes. A US think tank, Stratfor, finds the blockade "not without reason," as India looks "to maintain its influence in Nepalese politics through the Madhesis. Nepal, for its part, has trouble escaping the influence of a country it so heavily depends on for trade."
The reason for the blockade was the constitution that emerged after seven decades of arduous struggle for democracy, human rights, social justice, and peace in Nepal. The constitution turned the long centrally ruled Nepal into a federal democratic republic. It was in line with universally accepted democratic norms and was approved by 90 percent members of the Constituent Assembly.
The constitution firmly rejects violence as a means to achieve political power. It institutionalizes the federal democratic republic, guarantees human rights, rule of law, press freedom and independent and competent judiciary. It puts behind discretionary practices of labeling people 'anti-nationals' or 'anti socials' as was seen during the Panchayat administration and opens the door for inclusivity. Most important of all is inclusive policies for communities that have been marginalized for centuries.
While the larger international community welcomed the constitution, India only "noted" the promulgation of the historic document, a gesture that clearly indicated New Delhi's unhappiness. Stratfor writes: "A disapproving India had helped organize the blockade as a way of forcing Nepal to revise its constitution."
India has been an important partner in Nepal's democratic journey. It has extended its goodwill and moral support to the people of Nepal in their fights against various kinds of authoritarianism. Nepal was overwhelmed with the inspiring address in Nepali parliament by Prime Minister Modi in August 2014, which helped erase long-standing misunderstandings between the two close neighbors. His address was transformative. The support to the democratic process in Nepal was firm and unequivocal when the Prime Minister elaborated on the theme of Yuddh se Buddh ki ore ("from war to Buddha") and congratulated the Maoists who left the bullet in favor of the ballot.
What could be more inspiring to democrats? On bilateral relations, "How can India be happy if Nepal is unhappy?" the Indian prime minister had remarked. Nepal recalls with gratitude how India was the first country to arrive at the devastated sites and offer all kinds of support for relief of earthquake victims. The outpouring of sympathy, solidarity and support from all sections of Indian society for earthquake victims was in keeping with Nepal-India bond of friendship.
Nepal-India relations are wide-ranging. No part of national life remains untouched by them. With open border, and common culture and social systems, including Gurkha recruitment, no two sovereign and independent countries perhaps interact both at the government and people's level so comprehensively.
Against such a background, the response from the largest democracy to the promulgation of an inclusive democratic constitution adopted through universally accepted democratic process was hard to understand.
The perennial challenges in Nepal's foreign policy have been compounded by double standards of Nepali leaders while in and out of power. When personal egos make their way into these relations, they introduce ad hoc-ism and complexity. The approach to deal with such a situation has to be mature and wise, and within the parameters of the five principles of peaceful coexistence.
There is a need for fine balance between realism and idealism. Nepal shares with its neighbors a commitment to peace, stability, progress and prosperity. We must work on these areas without turning a blind eye to our differences. Nepal must learn to better explain itself and its missions to its neighbors and to the wider international community.
Good relations call for sincerity in diplomacy. It is time we strengthen our diplomatic machinery. To have the confidence and trust of neighbors and international community, our diplomatic machinery must be made to work sincerely and in a timely manner. And for Nepali diplomacy to succeed, Nepalis must unite and not let outsiders exploit domestic differences.
For Nepal, democracy is a stabilizing force, a rallying point. So strengthening democratic institutions should be our priority. Building democracy requires vision and persistence. Only with a network of democratic parties and institutions is it possible to engage educated young people and address the challenges of pervasive poverty and unemployment.
India has special significance for Nepal as its closest neighbor, an emerging power and the world's largest democracy. There is a big trust deficit in Nepal-India relations at the moment. Our prime minister should be able to impress on the Indians that Nepal is competent enough to address its internal issues. The prime minister should be aware that attempts are being made to create deep divisions in Nepali politics and society. The 'Us v Them' rhetoric suits outsiders who can play in the fragile geo-politics of Nepal. Radical elements are waiting to exploit such divisions.
Foreign policy is the product of various factors, geography the most important of those. An awareness of historical context is also indispensible. To be credible, we must be firm in our actions, have clarity of thought and be able to make and implement timely decisions. Jingoism and posturing is not going to solve anything right now.
The author was foreign relations advisor to prime minister Sushil Koirala
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