That was followed by successful CA election. A similar decision had been taken by King Birendra, in holding national referendum and re-establishing multiparty system. It was but natural for the Nepali people to expect something solid and tangible from the major change brought about by this historic movement and the subsequent election of Constituent Assembly. [break]
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The achievements so far have been bit of a mixed bag. The only important task that could be finished is peaceful integration of former combatants into Nepal Army, thanks to the flexibility and cooperation of the Maoists. But other issues of genuine concern like imparting justice to disadvantaged groups, relief to the aggrieved, downtrodden and displaced remain unattended, smashing people’s hopes and aspirations for a stable, secure and prosperous Nepal.
The ultimate demise of the duly elected Constituent Assembly due to myopic views and quarrelsome nature of political leaders has further aggravated the situation. If this trend continues, Nepali society will be adversely affected, turning the country into a bastion of crime, terror and lawlessness that will ultimately prove to be a big security headache and danger for its next-door neighbors, India and China.
The scheduled election of the second Constituent Assembly does not look encouraging due to fast deteriorating economy and fragile politics, as the leaders saddled with the responsibility of steering the country to stability and development are still divided on vital issues. The election to be held, somehow or the other, either under foreign pressure and encouragement, or due to internal compulsion, should involve all Nepalis voters without any political bias and prohibition.
There should be serious thinking and some kind of consensual agreement on the shape and aspects of the new constitution. It is going to be a firm foundation on which Nepal will have to make headway towards all-round development. Any element that splits Nepali society and hampers national integrity should not find any room in the new constitution.
Though a small country, Nepal’s strategic importance is constantly on the rise as both its neighbors are highly worried about its deteriorating political, economic and social conditions, which pose a real threat to their security.
As peace and security are related to stability and economic growth, it is high time for politics to play its due role without any delay by formulating and executing well thought-out, pragmatic and innovative policies in the context of the emerging global order. A favorable condition should also be created to secure private and foreign investment in economic development. The other option is further deprivation and destitution, making Nepali soil fertile for terrorism, crime and other evils. As Aristotle said around the second century BC: “Poverty is the parent of revolution and crime.”
Till 1955—when Nepal became a member of the United Nations and started to expand diplomatic relations with countries like China and Soviet Union—India dealt with Nepal in an undignified manner, as if Nepal was nothing but its wagging tail.
The 1950 unequal Treaty of Peace and Friendship is a pointer to India’s intention to keep Nepal within its sphere of influence, as was clearly indicated by the first Indian Prime Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. After India’s independence from the British rule in 1947 he openly declared that the Himalayas constituted India’s natural frontiers. B P Koirala, as Prime Minister, vehemently opposed this statement.
Despite Nepal’s opposition and displeasure from time to time to India’s highhandedness and overbearing attitude, India still pursues the same policies, not realizing that it is hurting its own vital interest in the process. Because of its dominance and Nepal’s weakness, India could take huge advantage of Kosi and Gandak water projects at an upper riparian country’s (Nepal’s) cost, to which king Birendra reacted strongly, going to the extent of saying that Nepal was cheated by India.
India is always aiming at monopolizing Nepal’s water resources according to its needs, and binding the Nepalis into signing agreement by including a clause like ‘prior use’. The Mahakali Multipurpose project has not started, though it has been more than a decade of the agreement being signed.
Nepal under no circumstances should commit another blunder by allowing India to build a High Kosi dam in a hurry. India again demonstrated its arrogance and intolerance when Nepal purchased some military equipment from China during Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure as PM.
It imposed an embargo on essential commodities coming to Nepal, which the country valiantly resisted through various means, which was an example of its courage to safeguard its legitimate right as an independent country. The time has come for India to evaluate its past mistakes and wrong policies towards Nepal; to rethink, even revise or modify its policy according to fast changing scenario in Asia and beyond. If IK Gujral’s idea of non-reciprocity while dealing with small neighbors had been taken seriously, it may have improved the Nepal-India relations to an extent.
On the other hand, Nepal-China relationship is moving forward on the solid ground of peaceful coexistence. This kind of relationship between neighboring countries is remarkable. One is big and affluent, and the other small and reeling under poverty, yet the latter is treated with dignity and respect, and each is keenly aware of the other’s concerns and feelings. This is rare.
Examples of this kind of dignified behavior of the Chinese are worth remembering. One time, Prime Minister BP Koirala had urged the Chinese government to acknowledge their mistake in the deaths of half a dozen Nepalis in border area. China not only acknowledged it, but also offered an apology.
Another act of magnanimity was shown in the course of a small incident that took place in Bhrikuti Mandap during the time of Cultural Revolution in China. China sent a strong protest note to the government of Nepal over the incident. Nepal immediately sent a denial note to the Chinese government. Not content, this author in his capacity as Nepal’s foreign Minister visited China and acquainted Chinese Prime Minister Chou En Lai with the facts. Not only did he apologize, he also went to the extent of withdrawing top officials posted at the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu. That is how China dealt with a small country like Nepal, with care and dignity, not letting it feel hurt and humiliated.
It will not be easy for present-day leaders to revive the country now mired in instability, lawlessness, corruption, crime, and insecurity, with democratic and state institutions in disarray. It is also equally true that until China and India do not involve themselves in Nepal’s all-round development, the crisis in Nepal will continue to deepen. The two neighbors’ timely involvement will not only uplift Nepal but also relieve them of pressing security concerns, thus benefitting all three.
Sino-Nepalese relations have come to a stage where a new chapter of fruitful and cooperative friendship could be started. China has already stated openly that it is fully prepared to undertake mega projects like West Seti hydropower and Pokhara airport, besides others. If it can travel to distant lands like Africa and Latin America and help them in their economic development, why not Nepal, its next door neighbor with plenty of natural resources at its disposal? Now it is India’s turn to show flexibility towards Nepal by correcting past mistakes and take its small neighbor into confidence by dealing with it in a dignified way, much like China. With the construction of Tibetan Railway, we are one step closer to being not only a transit country but also a dependable bridge of friendship between our two neighbors. Let it happen. This is the wish of Nepali people.
The author is former Prime Minister of Nepal
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