Monkeys are notorious for many things, including for mischief and mimicry. Folk stories abound on how they often land in trouble because of their mimicking habits. Mischief-making is also inherent to their character. They are fond of first toying with whatever object they find, breaking them into pieces and then foolishly gathering the pieces to try to bring the object back to its original shape. There are many amusing expressions associated with this clownish behavior, like monkey business and monkey shows. As animals, their mischief and mimicry are innocuous. More than harming others, their playful pranks often bring trouble for themselves. Children, too, are famous for their mischief: therefore, the expression, baandar jasto chakchake (mischievous like a monkey).
However, when grown-ups and responsible people contract such monkey traits, the end result may be harmful. When this mimicry and mischief-making symptoms are manifest in political leaders, it can have serious implications for the country. Unfortunately, such is the case with many senior leaders from key political parties. They have demonstrated enough monkey behavior in handling politics and the country and the people have suffered much as a result.
Inter- and intra-party squabbles for power have become permanent feature of politics in Nepal since 1950. Democracy and democratic rule has become the worst casualty of such mischief-making. In this period, many countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia have achieved progress and prosperity, along with the consolidation of democracy. Sad enough, the only defining feature of Nepali politics, meanwhile, were the establishment, disestablishment and reestablishment of democracy. In other words, democracy in Nepal is in a state of constant flux, without any genuine effort for its consolidation. There couldn’t be a better example of making a monkey business!
1950 saw the establishment of democracy for the first time, but the democratic experiment would soon come unstuck in 1960. It was reestablished again in 1990, only to be disestablished in 2002. The post-CA election politics also failed to bring stability, peace and progress to the country. As in the past, leaders got bogged down in the scramble for power and in making and unmaking the government. Important agendas such as timely conclusion of peace process and drafting of a new constitution thus remained incomplete.
Amidst such an unsettling ambience, the cerebral Dr Baburam Bhattarai became the Prime Minister. He was touted by many as the last hope for peace and democracy. But he turned out to be among the greatest mimickers and mischief makers. Again, it is said that baandarle aafno ghar ni banaudaina, arkako pani bhatkaidinchha (A monkey does not make its home and also dismantles those of others). Many people believe the conduct of BRB and his government, to a great extent, justifies the common Nepali expression. As Prime Minister, he played a major part in organizing and executing many mischienous monkey shows, which destroyed the pillars of democracy, one by one, starting with the Constituent Assembly.
With the pulling down of the CA, for which, it must be acknowledged that other parties were as responsible, he emerged the unchallenged executive head. There was no Parliament to put a rein on him. He needed not fear the bureaucracy and security agencies. The judiciary remained the only eyesore to realize his and his party’s ambition. In tandem with his party, he embarked upon yet another grand mimicry. Examples of judiciary-led election governments in Bangladesh, Greece and Pakistan were made the components of the mimicry show. This time, the show was organized with full knowledge and support of key opposition party leaders, the head of the state and the international community. Thus a subtle but a very mischievous monkey show was stage-managed in the judiciary. The BRB government wound up the show and made his final exit only after causing a crack in the armor of judiciary—the last pillar of democracy.
Deepening challenges
The antics of Bhattarai government have deepened challenges. Democracy is on its last limping leg, with the head of the Judiciary donning the executive head’s cap. Political parties, such as Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, long considered protectors and upholders of democracy, caved in to the pressure of UCPN (Maoist) and the international community. We have a funny situation now with a bureaucrat-dominant cabinet under the Chair of Judiciary. Normally, bureaucrats are appointed political advisors for governments. Here in Nepal, it is the other way round; bureaucrats have been turned into politicians and politicians their advisors. The High-level Political Committee (HLPC) has been formed to assist and advise the government. But this has already been dubbed by many as a “four-party syndicate” formed to unnecessarily circumscribe the functioning of the election government.
Holding free and fair elections is easier said than done. There is much work to be done, including convincing fringe parties.
Holding free and fair elections is easier said than done. There is much spade work to be done. First, CPN-Maoist and many other fringe parties have refused to take part in elections. Through dialogue, they must be convinced to participate. Second, from within the HLPC, attempts at securing votes through intimidation, use of money and other foul means cannot be ruled out. Third, the current crop of first generation leaders has, without a shadow of doubt, failed to deliver, despite repeated opportunities and people’s trust. Therefore, it is upon the second generation leaders in every party to assert themselves now. They must be bold enough to request their leaders to retire so as to make way for them. Fourth, the young generation political leaders should impress upon their seniors the need to field a greater number of young and honest candidates in the election. Fifth, the people, too, must be consulted and educated to vote for the young, dynamic, committed, capable and honest candidates. Tainted candidates must be voted out.
Sixth, there must be an awareness campaign for people from all walks of life, asking them to vote only for clean and untainted candidates. Seventh, the international community and our neighbor, which is supposed to have played an instrumental role in establishing this technocratic government, must actively encourage all political parties to ensure free and fair elections.
Technocrats often shy away from risk-taking. One knows not to what extent this technocrat-led government can take risks and withstand the challenges that are sure to come its way in due course. Of course, the success or failure of the government depends in large measure on cooperation or non-cooperation of HLPC. Simultaneously, it must demonstrate enough conviction and be able to operate independently, particularly vis-à-vis the HLPC. Its first test, therefore, would be to avoid becoming the tool for implementing the controversial recommendations of HLPC.
Indeed, if the whole exercise is meant for restoring derailed democracy then elections must be geared toward achieving that objective. This time too, the outcome of elections must not make democracy look like a helpless and vulnerable lamb, which wicked political wolves can easily prey upon. To quote the famous American author, libertarian and political commentator, James Bovard: “Democracy must be something more than two wolves and one lamb voting on what to have for dinner.”
The author is former chief of protocol, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
bhimsen29@ gmail.com
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