This ethnographic study of the Rana Tharu, a sub-group of Tharu, in far-western Nepal, shows that the everyday practice of ethnic identity is fluid and dynamic, and cannot be understood in terms of a single ideology, writes Lam. “While ideologies concerning “Sanskritization” and “Indigenousness” have dominated the discussion of social reforms and ethnic movements in Nepal, I find that a hybrid approach is more relevant to the Rana Tharu situation.” The Rana Tharu adopted social movement strategies that differed from those of other Tharu groups. Ranas actively used different identities and cultural practices to achieve an equal social footing with the dominant hill settlers (Pahaaris).
Excerpts from the paper:
The Tharu people are one of the largest ethnic minorities in Nepal and they make up 6.6 percent of the total population. They live throughout the southern belt of Nepal called the Tarai from the east through to the west and the adjacent valleys between the Churia Range and the Mahabharat called the Inner Tarai. Most of the Tharu people are known in terms of the territory that they occupy or from where they have migrated.
The Tarai had previously suffered from endemic malaria, which made extensive cultivation almost impossible. Therefore, until the 1950s, it was mainly covered by forest with a sparse population consisting mainly of Tharus, who were believed to have strong resistance to malaria. However, recent history shows that the Tarai experienced remarkable socio-economic change, including shifts in demography and rising conflicts over the control of land. Following the success of the malaria eradication program in the Tarai region during the 1950s, the area became not only favorable to Tharus but all other people, particularly the hill population. Many Tharus lost their land to hill migrants and their customs were threatened. Significant scholarly work has documented the ways in which Tharus reacted to these social changes (Guneratne 2002; Krauskopff 2002; Odegaard 1997).
Photo: LAI MING LAM
According to the literature, mainstream Tharu social reforms can be divided into two periods: before the 1990s and after the 1990s. The Tharu reform processes can be summarized in terms of two important ideologies, “Sanskritization” and “Indigenousness”, which have long influenced the history of Nepalese ethnic movements and indeed analyses of them. Despite their differences, they have been closely linked to issues of livelihood and economic matters. In particular, changes in landownership have long played a key role in shaping relations between high-castes and ethnic groups (Caplan 1970; Jones 1967) and inter-ethnic group relations (Campbell 1997; Odegaard 1997).
The concept of Sanskritization was first developed by Srinivas (1962) and widely used in describing the social mobility of Hindu caste groups. According to Jones (1967:63), Sanskritization describes “a process by which a lower caste or non-Hindu group adopts the ideology or parts of ideology of Hinduism in an attempt to raise its economic, political, and social status in the caste hierarchy of a given area.” He points out that the acceptance of caste is the first step in Sanskritization, and the adoption of the language, dress and religious practices of the high Hindu castes is its core process. Levine (1987) further argues that economic and political factors are the underlying motivation for Sanskritization by ethnic groups.
However, Sanskritization is not the only strategy that ethnic groups use to respond to the domination of high Hindu caste groups. Sanskritization can be understood as a product of the early stage of nation-building (Pfaff-Czarnecka 1997; Sharma 1997), while Indigenousness seems to be a social product that responds to global social movements and in particular post-1990s Nepal. According to Wilmer and Martin’s (2006) analysis, the indigenous rights movement that emerged in the 1990s greatly influenced minorities, resource-poor groups and local activists in every corner of the world; Nepal was no exception.
Meanwhile, the downfall of communism in Eastern Europe also inspired the first nationwide social movement, the Jan Andolan (People’s Movement), which arose in Nepal in 1990, and that campaign ended the monarchical Panchayat system. Instead of being known as the “Hindu kingdom,” the 1990 Constitution declared Nepal a multi-ethnic and multilingual state (Gurung 1997). This new polity has provided an opportunity for many socially deprived ethnic groups to “discover pride in their ethnic identity” and become “conscious that they can take advantage of the democratic situation and bargain for a good share in the political and economic pie” (Sharma 1997: 482). Many ethnic groups realized the advantages of claiming indigenous status and preserving their traditional customs. In the new ethnic social movement, most ethnic activists use anti-Hindu and anti-caste campaign slogans. Furthermore these social campaigns emphasize the promotion of indigenous language, religious practices and dress.
Ideologies that claim to have originated out of Sanskritization or Indigenousness have deeply influenced Tharu social movements. The earliest Tharu social movement emerged in 1949 when the first Tharu organization – the Tharu Welfare Society (TWS) - was formed by the elites of the eastern Tharus (Guneratne 2002; Krauskopff 2002; Odegaard 1997). Its establishment was mainly a response to increased contacts with the hill people and their cultures. The early strategy of TWS was much like Sanskritization because the campaign specifically focused on emulating high Hindu caste behavior. Through the promotion of abstinence from alcohol, and efforts to have women wear blouses and saris instead of traditional dress, the TWS sought to raise the social status of Tharus.
Many Tharu groups also claimed they were descendents of high Hindu castes. For example, Tharus from Chitwan believed that they had blood relations with Rajputs, and Dangauras traced their origin to the Thakurs in Ayodhya and to King Ram Chandra. Furthermore, in an attempt to improve people’s economic status, the TWS advocated reducing life-cycle ceremony expenditures. The TWS, however, was perceived to be an elite organization and it failed to gain complete support from the different Tharu groups throughout the Tarai, particularly those from the western Tarai like Dangauras and Ranas. They had not even heard of the TWS (Odegaard 1997). The strategies also contradicted local Tharu cultural practices. As a result, the campaign did not have any significant impact.
Another Tharu organization, the precursor to Backward Society Education (BASE), was appeared in 1985. Its formation was a reaction to the rising conflict over land resources, which most Tharu communities had endured for nearly half a century. The founder of that organization was a Tharu named Dilli Bahadur Chaudhary from Dang district. His family had lost substantial land to Pahaaris and was seriously in debt. Dilli thought illiteracy was one of the most important reasons for the subordinate position of Tharus so the promotion of education was his top priority. BASE focused on the loss of their land as the most critical issue Tharus faced, and as a result it enjoyed widespread support from western Tharus. This was the first grass roots Tharu social movement. Dilli also successfully drew on the ideology of the global indigenous rights movement to assert the claim of Tharus as indigenous people.
On the other hand, TWS also realized that its old strategy did not work. Influenced by the new democratic reality created by the 1990 people’s movement and the global indigenous movement, TWS developed new social reform strategies. According to Odegaard (1997), in order to link themselves more effectively to the international indigenous movement and obtain aid from foreign donor agencies, the leaders of TWS sought to portray the Tharu as indigenous people. The brotherhood of all Tharus and their indigenous status was therefore highlighted in the new ideology. The TWS rejected caste ideology and became affiliated with the anti-Hindu, anti-Brahmin organization Janajati Mahasangh (The Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities).
In 1993, a well known Tharu leader of the TWS, Ramanand Prasad Singh, even wrote a book, The Real Story of the Tharu, which claimed that Tharus were descendents of the Buddha. It was expected that this claim would not be accepted by all Tharu groups but its importance lay in raising consciousness of Tharu identity. Several national Tharu conferences were held during the 1990s and all participants from different Tarai areas were aware of the importance of cultural preservation. Speaking the Tharu language, wearing Tharu clothes, and practicing Tharu rituals were symbols of being Tharus. The campaign was summed up as a “pan-Tharu movement” by Odegaard (1997).
One of the most important factors in the consolidation of a Tharu idenitity is land. McDonaugh (1989) and Guneratne (2002) analyzed the appearance of contemporary Tharu movements as being associated with the problem of unequal land distribution. Guneratne (2002: 68) concludes that “Tharu ethnic identity is formed not on the basis of shared cultural features but in terms of particular structural relationship to the State.” He points out that “[w]here Tharus are concerned, [the mobilizing factor] is access to and control of land” (2002: 18). His comment has clearly highlighted the close relationships between ethnicity, social movement and livelihood.
In this paper, using my ethnographic study of a sub-Tharu group - the Rana Tharus in far-western Nepal – I argue that complex interactions between land, livelihood and local histories have played a key role in the identity formation of contemporary Rana society. My ethnographic data has supported that although they shared the problems faced by Tharus throughout the Tarai, the Ranas did not join the Pan-Tharu movement but continued to claim a high caste status and royal pedigree and preserved their unique culture, which distanced them from other Tharus.
Why did Ranas react to social changes differently than other Tharu communities? Most Ranas even refused to be labeled “Tharus”. This paper intends to explore the identity formation of Ranas through a closer examination of the relationships between ethnicity, local histories, livelihoods and social changes and their influence on Rana identity strategies. The paper echoes the critique of other scholars that the problems consist of dichotomous analytical perspectives in understanding social relations in South Asian literature (Dahal 1979; Fisher 2001; Gellner 1991; Gellner et al. 1997; Jaffrelot 2003; Levine 1987). Dahal (1979) critiques that no cultural group in Nepal can be neatly defined as a tribe and that adopting the Hindu-tribal perspective is only imagined by scholars and not the people they are studying. Levine’s study (1987) of the ethnic identity of three ethnic groups in Humla district has shown that the classical social categories were not the key determinant of ethnic relations.
More realistically, economic and political motivations could shape ethnic relations. I feel that neither Sanskritization nor indigenousness can explain the ethnic character of a social group; other approaches are often completely ignored. The Rana example indicates that self-identity and ethnic relations with others can take on many forms. In addition, there is a tendency for scholars to rely too much on ethnicity that is focused at the national level and on the elite classes.
If we adopt a bottom-up perspective by viewing ethnicity at the local level, we will find that the nature of ethnicity is not a fixed historical and cultural product but it can be interpreted in different ways, modified and transformed (Eriksen 1993:16). In this process, livelihood issues and local histories have significantly influenced the formation and transformation of ethnic identity.
Conclusion
This paper has discussed the interdependent and dynamic relationships of ethnicity, history, cultural practices and changes in people’s livelihoods. The above discussion has not argued that Ranas have a strong sense of cultural preservation. Instead, it demonstrated that after extensive contacts with others, the formation and transformation of Rana ethnic identity and cultural practices were so complicated that one single approach could not explain it. The ethnographic data supported the contention that the Rana reform movement was neither one of Sanskritization or Indigenousness. Their identities are many-stranded, situational and topical (Skar 1999: 196-198). They resisted the “Tharu” label and strongly claimed to have the same caste status as the high Hindu caste Pahaaris. Regarding cultural changes, Rana did not accept all hill cultures but they selected and modified aspects of them into their own, for example the Dipawaali festival.
Meanwhile, vanishing aspects of their culture - particularly Holi and traditional dress – might be caused by many factors such as conservation-induced displacement and poverty. Therefore they had to adjust the way they responded to these economic realities. When cultural reforms became necessary in Rana society, Ranas’ self-consciousness of their own culture’s values increased simultaneously. Indeed, these practices became a cultural performance and a new meaning emerged.
My finding echoes that of Oakdale (2004) and Turner (1991). Their studies have clearly shown that people from traditional societies, like those of Indians in Brazil, are having their cultures modified or recreated after contact with outside world. In the process of cultural change, instead of being completely assimilated, they actively negotiate and manage their identity and cultural practice. For example, Turner observes that in the 1960s, almost all Kayapo Indians wore full Western clothing. However, since the 1990s, they have chosen “half-and half” with long pants or shorts and no shirt or jacket. Their faces and upper bodies are painted and they wear traditional shell necklaces and bead earrings. The explanation for this change is the global indigenous movement; Kayapo Indians increasingly value the social, economic and political traditions of their own cultures. It is thus predictable that the Rana culture will be further transformed in this way.
The articulation of growing ethnic identity and the new national and global political environments are an opportunity for Ranas to remodel themselves and avoid dissolving into the “national melting pot.” However, it is too early to comment on the extent to which this has happened because cultural survival is often closely associated with the Ranas’ livelihoods.
Related story
Within a decade, first Tharu museum in ruins
