As the ruling coalition parties have been pressurizing the Maoists to fulfill their past promises, the Maoist chairman may have to reveal his cards sooner than later. The integration and rehabilitation of over 19,000 combatants now living in temporary cantonments across the country; dismantling of the Young Communist League (YCL) and returning the seized property are not going to be easy decisions for the Maoist leadership.
It is not going to be easy not only because these issues are associated with the livelihoods and aspirations of thousands of hardcore Maoist supporters, but also because the position the Maoist party takes in these issues will ultimately redefine both the image and course of the party. Critics allege that through YCL, Maoists want to maintain social control. The leadership will now have to explain why the organization was set up in the first place. Similarly, right to property has been designated as fundamental rights of citizens in the interim constitution of Nepal, which was endorsed by the Maoists themselves. People wonder how long the Maoists can go on supporting the seizure of private and public property in the name of ‘class struggle.’
By agreeing to these demands put forward by the parties in power, the UCPN (Maoist) will lose both its vigor and revolutionary zeal. Will Dahal still go ahead and compromise on these issues? These are the decisions which could make or break the party that led the decade-long armed insurrection. It will also showcase Dahal’s leadership strength or otherwise.
Time has come for Pushpa Kamal Dahal to decide whether to try to return to power by compromising the Maoist principles which got him so far or transform and re-orient the entire party in order to champion the cause of poor and marginalized in the society.
Many see the last three-and-a-half years since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) as a lost opportunity for the country as well as the Maoists. Instead of renouncing violence and re-orienting their cadres toward competitive politics, critics say Maoists continued to resort to the politics of threat and intimidation. And, it seemed to be paying in the short-run.
Thanks to Nepali society’s tolerance and people’s desire for peace, the Maoists emerged as the single largest party in the CA. Dahal was elected as prime minister but was hardly in a position to implement any of his ‘revolutionary agenda’ being championed by his party. He chose to resign after failing to sack the then army chief Rookmangud Katawal, who was going to retire in a couple of months.
Having spent nearly eight out of 10 years of ‘people’s war’ in India, Dahal knows the extent of Indian influence in Nepali polity very well. But, at times he seems to be more optimistic than pragmatist. In an interview with The Hindu newspaper in February 2006, Dahal said, “Once a democratic republic is established in Nepal, then the historical doubts that have existed in the relations between Nepal and India can be ended once and for all.” But, that didn’t happen. Instead, India is said to be ever-doubtful toward Maoists’ rhetoric and their intentions.
Analysts say that sooner than later Maoists will have to give up the mentality that ‘power flows through the barrel of gun” and embrace peaceful, competitive politics. In a democratic society, power flows through ballot, not bullet. At a time when parties like NC and UML no more seem to be championing the cause of socio-economic justice, Maoists have been championing the cause of the poor and marginalized section of the society. The ‘commitment paper’ (election manifesto) made public in the run up to the CA elections in 2008 said a Maoist-led government would work toward increasing per capita income of Nepalis at least 10 times over the next decade. But it is a matter of common sense that such an economic growth can’t be achieved by scaring domestic and foreign investors and encouraging cadres to defy universal trade union norms and rules.
The obvious choice for the Maoist leadership now is to choose between competitive parliamentary politics or play nationalist and pro-poor card all the way. In the same interview with The Hindu newspaper, Dahal referred to the threat of what he called ‘dogmato-revisionism’ – of turning certain ideas into a dogma and getting stuck to them. “Those who call themselves Maoists are more prone to dogmato-revisionism, and we have to fight against this too,” he said.
Perhaps the time has come for the Maoist chairman to stop, look and reflect if his party is becoming the prisoner of its own dogma.
(Writer is BBC journalist.)
bhagirath.yogi@gmail.com
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