THE NEW ANXIETY
The country is being increasingly affected by two kinds of anxieties. The first is the survival anxiety. If one reads the newspapers it is not uncommon to find people expressing anger and frustration at the way politics of the country is being handled; but at the same time there is also concern about the future of the country and a fear that political parties in their desire to look after their own interests will ignore the broader national interests of the people and surrender themselves to foreign forces. It is indeed ironical and unfortunate that political parties that have consistently championed the cause of Nepali nationalism are being viewed as unreliable in protecting national interests and the dignity and self-respect of the Nepali people. The overriding fear now among the Nepali people, in the form of survival anxiety, is a situation when decisions affecting our national life will be dictated directly or indirectly by foreign nations.
The bond between political parties and common people is on a downward slide. The high hopes and trust that people had over the political parties has decreased significantly.
The second anxiety that is becoming all pervasive is what psychologists have known as learning anxiety. Some of the old values and structures are now being challenged. There is general acceptance that new perceptions regarding governance will have to be institutionalized. People have accepted the fact that the future politics and governance structure of the country will have to focus on the principle of inclusiveness and empowerment at all levels. However, the content and structure of this new contract between the state and the people remains obscure and contentious. For Maoists the model for Nepal basically follows the broad parameters of a one party or a dominant party system where multiparty competition will be limited primarily between parties that are “ anti-imperialists”” an “anti feudalistic”. Since it is claimed that the Maoist politics represents the interest of the proletariat, any one who goes against the Maoists party is against the people. Therefore any one who is against the Maoists is against the people and therefore deserves to remain out of politics.
For people who were under the illusion that the Maoists will embrace the liberal values of a pluralistic democratic system, new Maoists proposal rejecting the concept of constitutional checks and balances, judicial review and the independence of the judiciary has come as a rude shock. It has heightened the sense of uncertainty in the country and has intensified the learning anxiety that is characteristics of a system still in transition. What is going to be the new governance system? Will it contain the same authoritarian focus that was characteristic of the left regimes of the 20th century which eventually failed to respond to the rising aspirations of the masses to live in freedom?
Similarly, in the economic arena how far is the government going to rely on policies that promote the functioning of a free market system? Roughly, going by the typology forwarded by economist Jagadish Bhagawati of MIT a decade ago, are we going to establish an authoritarian one party dominated political system with free markets, (Dengism of China) an authoritarian one party dominated system based on state led capitalism and controlled market (Leninist- Stalinist and Brezhnev era of the 20th century) a democratic system with a state directed and controlled market (The Nehru era in India) or a democratic system with a functional free market? In real life, the typology is not always this clear and often there are lots of gray areas in between.
However, the basic thrust of the political economy of the country is not yet clear. Recent Maoist proposals arguing for appointment of judges as well as interpretation of the constitution by the legislature have heightened anxiety among the people. Basically the Maoists seem to have rejected the notion of constitutional checks and balances in favor of a regime where the judiciary becomes a pliant tool of those in power. This is indeed the model of judiciary that still prevails in communist countries whether it is Cuba or North Korea. On the other hand the experiences of the 20th century communist rule in many countries has made it abundantly clear that judicial subservience to the ruling party without other legitimate means for “small scale political explosions” ultimately contributes to a “blow up” of the system.
That the Maoists who claim to think of objective solutions, based on an analysis of objective reality have opted this same failed model that goes against the prevailing conceptualization of the democratic process is indicative of the fact that the peace process is going to be arduous and difficult. It has raised doubts about their political intentions in the future and has helped to evolve an atmosphere of cynicism rather than hope and expectation. The recent debate in the Constituent Assembly on judicial structure in the new constitution amply reflects this ambiguity and confusion.
A POWER GAME
When politics becomes a crude game for capturing power no matter what its cost, it loses its inspirational focus and degenerates into a mad game of mudslinging, conspiracy and manipulation, generating in the process mistrust, and misunderstanding between political actors in the nation. In this kind of an atmosphere, short-term gains become the sole center of attention of action while long-term interests of the nation are almost forgotten. Political rhetoric continues at full blast but both the speakers and their audiences know that all the high-sounding slogans and commitments are paper-thin with no possibility of being implemented in practice. So what we observe today is verbal threat and intimidation followed by appeasement to regional and ethnic sentiments rather than national interest. We are, it seems, destined to confront the great challenges of the future with little men who are interested in nothing but their personal power ambition even if it means ignoring the self respect and dignity of the people.
(Writer is co-chairman of the Rastriya Janasakti Party.)
Related story
Politics and Business
