As an ethnic label, the term Janajati stands for the collective identity of numerous marginalized ethnic groups, previously known as Matawali (liquor drinkers), a category espoused in the country’s first civil code, the Muluki Ain of 1854. Nepal has remained a centralized, unitary state for centuries. Its national identity, as many argue, is constructed around the dominance of certain caste groups. Nepali nationalism at large has failed to truly represent the multiple fibers of ethnic, cultural and regional diversities. Federalism has emerged as the beacon of hope for marginalized communities to reinvent their lost identity. As such, identity is central to Janajati agenda. It is more so especially now the country has set on its course towards the second leg of Constituent Assembly elections.
Fueled by the historical memories of deprivation and desperation, the Janajati movement today is being driven primarily by two categories of forces—one, ethnic organizations and its umbrella body, the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) and other, political parties. Of the 59 state-recognized ethnicities, 56 have their organizations, which are affiliated to NEFIN. Additionally, NEFIN has its coordination offices in 71 districts across the country and liaison offices in 15 countries abroad, thus making it the unquestioned face of ethnic activism in national and international arenas. At political level, all mainstream political parties, including UCPN (Maoist), Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML have their Janajati wings. More recently, disgruntled Janajati leaders, mostly from UML, have launched two parties, namely Federal Socialist Party (FSP) and Socialist Democratic Party (SDP) to champion ethnic causes. [break]
Established in 1990, NEFIN was initially engaged in spurring a cultural renaissance before taking a radical course in asserting Janajati’s political identity. But as a social organization, it has its own statutory limitations. Critics, at times, have questioned the federation’s obscure objectives and lashed out at its political inclination.
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On its current standing, all NEFIN can do is act as a pressure group to influence political will to get its agenda favorably addressed, but by itself, it cannot take up the role of a political outfit and get involved in crucial decision making processes. Likewise, political parties, particularly with ethnic brands such as FSP and SDP, cannot afford to sail on their own political course altogether unmindful of pressing agenda of NEFIN, at least in view of its strong grassroots networks that could potentially be strong organizational bases for the parties. Ideally, these two categories of actors should be engaged in complementary roles. The success of the entire Jajanati movement hinges on how deeply they integrate each other’s agenda and how efficiently they execute their collective efforts in realizing shared goals. But at the moment, NEFIN and ethnic parties seem out of touch with this reality.
Ethnicity is one of the bases of identity. The idea of ethnic state (jatiya rajya) is pejoratively used in Nepal’s federalism debate. While the dominant caste groups who generally make up the country’s power elite view Janajati activism with cynicism, perceiving it as a secessionist threat, the Janajatis on the other hand charge the former with being preoccupied with a regressive nostalgia, bent on prolonging their own hegemony. In the Sauraha Manifesto issued at the end of its recent national conclave, NEFIN has categorically singled out identity-based federalism as its foremost agenda, whereas Janajati parties such as FSPN are still stuck in the agenda of federalism with single ethnic identity. During a recent interview, FSP Chairman Ashok Rai pleaded ignorance about NEFIN’s new stance and rather stressed his party’s being an independent political entity which is free to have a contrasting agenda. In a similar vein, new NEFIN chief Nagendra Kumar Kumal and others, including his predecessor and mentor Raj Kumar Lekhi, maintain that they have never favored single ethnic federalism, which they dub “an exclusive slogan of political parties”. These are clear indications of increasing psychological rifts between Janajati leaders and activists. Their inability to strike a chord in the agenda is certainly going to take a toll on their interpretation of federalism, hyped to guarantee their fair share in state affairs.
Also, within mainstream political parties, there are significant mismatches in priorities. While the UML continue to have multi-identity based federalism as its official stance, NC is still hazy about its position on federalism. Actually, UML and NC are deemed illiberal towards ethnic issues. The UCPN (Maoist), which was quick to cash in on the simmering Janajati dissent during the last CA polls, is too inconsistent to count on. Evidently, Janajati leaders from contrasting political backgrounds lack cohesion and coherence. These parties have their Janajati wings, but they are simply ineffective in streamlining Janajati issues due to their own ideological barriers. Realizing this problematic aspect, the comprehensive political conference coordinated by NEFIN in Kathmandu last year recommended the launch of a separate Janajati party, only to find their leaders, unable to overcome ideological schisms, ending up in two rival outfits—FSP and SDP. With the exception of few activities, the new parties seem to have gone into hibernation, literally. So disoriented are the two parties in their strategy that FSP registered at Election Commission to contest CA elections while SDP did not file a nomination by the May 31 deadline.
There are fresh concerns over NEFIN’s capability to deliver on its agenda, as its new leadership was elected amid intense bickering between the dominant eight caste groups and the rest of the minorities within NEFIN. The new chairman Kumal himself represents a minority community, and it would be a challenge for him to take all others into confidence. Considering the intensity of political lobbying and bargaining during NEFIN election—Kumal himself was elected with NC backing— it would never be easy for the new team to keep the federation free from party politics.
Despite controversies about PR threshold, CA downsizing and reduction of CA seats, the election appears an undeniable prospect. Regional and ethnic identities are certainly going to dominate the political agenda in this CA election again. Madhesi leaders, widely known for their perennial infightings and subsequent party splits, now want to make peace to see if they can forge any kind of alliance to influence electoral results in their favor. Mainstream political parties have already started chanting pro-Madhes rhetoric to woo the mouth-watering bulk of Madhes votes. It would be a major blunder on the part of NEFIN and Janajati parties not to stand on a common platform to streamline their common agenda. The Janajatis, who make up more than a third of national population, are a goldmine for vote seekers. Their common fight to realize their vision of state restructuring to ensure their fair share in state affairs should start right now. It’s time to strike chorus in their voices and synchronize their actions to materialize their long-deferred identity. It’s time to regroup. If Janajatis do not realize this prime necessity at this momentous time, they will be the ones to lose out.
The author is online editor of Republica
arunrai149@gmail.com
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